Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

The focus of this study is to analyze the relationship of change in Thailand¡¦s southern policy and separatist movements, or the relationship between the Bangkok regime¡¦s policies toward Malay-Muslims in southern Thailand and the Separatist Movement. The research approach is to explain the root causes for Malay-Muslim in southern Thailand in armed resistance against the central government, moderation and radical periods in the Separatist Movement. According to historical institutionalism, the process of institutional and historical development is a ¡§punctuated equilibrium,¡¨ and historical contexts evolve according to ¡§path dependency.¡¨ Except when crises in the external environmental changes cause ¡§punctuated equilibria,¡¨ it would basically cause those in power to establish new coping strategies that cause change or collapse to the old system. In late 19th century, expansion by the English and French colonialism and imperialism in Indochina caused King Chulalongkorn to accelerate reform in national territorialization and power centralization. In turn, the Kingdom of Patani was transformed from a vassal state to a province in southern Siam, ending the power of Malay Rajas, which motivated the historical origins of southern Thailand separatism. A review of the Thai historical development found that, after Chulalongkorn the crises in external environmental change frequently lead the ruling regime in Bangkok to establish new southern Thailand policies. In sum, the external environmental changes in the temporal sequence of colonial empires fighting for their interests against each other, threat of the Communist Party, Democratization, Globalization and war on counter-terrorism affected the new southern policies of Thailand by Rama VI, Phibun Songkram, Sarit Thanarat, Thanom Kittikachorn, Prem Tinsulanonda, and Thaksin Shinawatra. It is also intimately connected to the radicalism or moderation of the Malay-Muslim Separatist Movement.

加拿大自脫離英國政府的殖民統治以來，至今已經有一百三十多年的歷史。期間雖經歷了保守黨、自由黨之輪流執政，仍無法完全解決長期以來魁北克人民對於「獨特社會」地位、保護法語文化及傳統的要求。尤有甚者，一九七六年魁人黨（Parti Quebecois）在魁北克省執政成功，並分別於一九八○年及一九九五年針對獨立與否議題舉辦兩次魁省公民投票。雖然最後魁北克人企圖獨立的公投失敗，但其所帶來的衝擊、餘波，更強力震撼了加拿大的政治生態。 一九九三年柯瑞祥（Jean Chretien）領導的自由黨在大選中擊敗執政長達九年的穆隆尼（Brian Moulorney）保守黨政府，順利當選加拿大聯邦總理後，一直致力於改善失業率，通貨膨脹率及削減預算赤字等國內經濟問題。然一九九五年魁北克公投期間，柯瑞祥被許多聯邦派人士批評過於輕忽國家統一問題及魁北克分離派（separatist）的實力。最後聯邦主義者（federalist）雖以1.2％約五萬五千票的差距取得勝利，但獨立派人士卻揚言要繼續推動第三次公投以尋求最後的成功。 本論文主要探討柯瑞祥政府對魁北克獨立運動的因應策略，其中主要以經濟、政治、法律等三個層面予以分析。在經濟層面探討柯瑞祥政府的安撫策略（carrot strategy）及強硬策略（stick strategy）；政治上則探討魁人治魁的傳統策略，以及提前大選策略、外交策略、多元文化策略等；法律上則探討密契湖協議（Meech Lake Accord）與查洛城協議（Charletown Accord），以及九五年公投法律分析、Ｂ計畫 (Plan B)、澄清法案（Clarity Bill）等。由於一九九五年魁省公投對加拿大聯邦政府帶來的衝擊，使得柯瑞祥不得不更謹慎處理國家統一問題。其後，從一九九七年的大選和一九九八年的魁北克省長選舉得票結果可知，魁北克獨立勢力似乎已有見緩的趨勢。因此柯瑞祥政府在經濟、政治和法律面上對魁北克獨立運動策略之成效為何，以及魁北克獨立運動的未來可能發展，均值得探討，此乃本論文之主軸。 由於國內研究加拿大的學者不多，特別是針對魁北克獨立問題的研究更是鳳毛麟角，因此引發筆者的研究動機。面對近來因民族主義意識而興起之獨立運動風潮，魁北克的獨立議題實值得深入分析。 / It has been more than 130 years since Canada stopped being an English colony. Although conservative and liberal governments had come and go, none had managed to resolve completely and permanently the Quebec people's demands for a "distinct society" status and moves to protect the French language and culture. The quest for the former is especially worth mentioning. In 1976, Partis Qucbecois was voted into power in Quebec and held 2 state referendums to decide whether to be independent in 1980 and 1995. Despite failing to get a majority in the referendum, these events sent the shockwaves throughout the political world. In 1993, the Liberal party led by Jean Chretien beat the conservative government led by Brian Moulorney, which had been in power for 9 years. After Chretien became the federal prime minister of Canada, he concentrated on cutting down the unemployment rate and other internal economical problems such as the inflation rate and the deficit. In spite of this, he was criticized by many federalists as neglecting the country unification issue and the power of Quebec's separatists. Although, in 1995's referendum, federalists managed to win with a margin of 1.2% (around 55,000 votes) in the end, independents vow to seek a referendum again until they win. This thesis aims to analyze strategies taken by the Chretien government against the Quebec independent movement from three viewpoints: Economical, Political and Legal. From the economical viewpoint we'll take a look at Chretien's "Carrot and Stick Strategy". From the political viewpoint, the traditional "Quebecers rule Quebec" policy as well as the "earlier election" policy, foreign policies, multicultural policies, etc. are examined. From the legal viewpoint, the Meech Lake Accord, the Charletown Accord as well as 1995's referendum law analysis, Plan B, the Clarity Bill, etc. are examined. Due to shockwaves to the federal government brought about by 1995's Quebec Referendum, Chretien had to handle the country unification problem with even more care. After 1995, as can be seen from 1997 general elections and 1998 Quebec's provincial election, the Quebec Independence Movement started to lose steam. Therefore, it is worthwhile to examine the effects the economical, political and legal polices the Chretien government took had on the movement, as well as possible developments of the movement. That will be the main topic of this thesis. The author was motivated to do research on this topic as there aren't many researchers on Canada locally, especially researchers on the problems of Quebec's Independence Movement. Facing the independent movement recently due to heightening nationalist sentiments, Quebec's Independence Movement case study is worth an in-depth analysis.

By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification. / Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004. / Political Sciences / unrestricted