Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This study focuses on the history of relations between the Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo during a relatively extensive period, starting with the demise of the Ottoman Empire to present. It examines the process of the division of Kosovo society along ethnic, cultural, and religious lines that eventually made the seizure of power possible by nationalistic conservatives. The study investigates both Serbian and Albanian nationalism and speculates on why nothing had been done by the elite to contain the conflict in the first place. It seeks to explore the origins of the modern conflict and identifies the decisive factors that influenced the development of contradicting positions of two peoples that eventually led to open hostilities in 1998-99. The thesis employs a descriptive approach and reviews contemporary scholarly literature dedicated to the subject. / Major, The Ministry of Ukraine of Emergencies and Affairs of Population Protection from Consequences of Chernobyl Catastrophe

No description available.

<p>The Serbs are a national group which has been disliked by the Croats for hundreds of years. Even before Croatia became a part of Yugoslavia, the country wanted its independence. However, before and after the break up of Yugoslavia, there was a strong nationalism in the country which led to hatred towards the Serbs and the Serb minorities in Croatia. Studies have shown that minorities often are disfavoured by the majority decisions. This leads to a disadvantageous position for the minorities in the relation to the majority. The problem is how a state should compensate these groups for their disadvantageous position to be able to ensure justice and equality for all citizens within the country.</p><p>The aim of this thesis is to compare Croatia’s formal national minority rights with the actual national minority rights of the Serbs and to see whether they coincide with each other. The research questions are:</p><p>• What formal minority rights do Croatian Serbs have in Croatia?</p><p>• What minority rights do Croatian Serbs have in reality?</p><p>The method used in this study is the qualitative text analysis.</p><p>The conclusion of this thesis is that Croatia has a positive attitude towards minority rights and the Serb minority, as Croatia has allocated group-differentiated rights to its national minorities. The Croatian view upon national minority rights coincides to a large extent with Will Kymlicka´s theory. Furthermore, the formal rights and the virtual rights regarding education, language, culture and proportional representation coincides to a great extent if not precisely.</p>

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-74). Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Anthropology, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

(česky) Tématem mojí práce je přiblížení sporných otázek týkajících se národního vymezení srbské komunity v Dalmácii mezi lety 1878 až 1905. Jedná se o dílčí posouzení vztahu pra-voslavné církve a srbského národního hnutí v Dalmácii. Dále se práce zaměřuje na zformová-ní komunity římskokatolických Srbů a jejich vnitřní profilací. Zkoumán je rovněž srbský pří- stup k jejich konfliktu s Chorvaty v rámci Dalmácie. Práce má též přiblížit historiografické spory vedené na toto téma mezi chorvatskými a srbskými historiky. V práci se přibližuji okolnosti zformování srbského národního hnutí a vzniku samostatné politické srbské strany. Ve zvoleném období se věnuji v rámci strany prezentovanému přístupu k pravoslaví a přístupu vedení pravoslavné církve k vymezení srbské národní identity. Dále se zabývám římskokatolickými Srby a spornými otázkami s nimi spojenými. Zaměřil jsem se také na postoj srbské reprezentace k chorvatskému národnímu hnutí a vypo- řádání se s jeho nároky v rámci vlastního národního projektu. Zjistil jsem, že propojení mezi liberálním srbským národním hnutím a místním vedením pravoslavné církve bylo těsnější, než je běžně uváděno v odborné literatuře. V případě Srbů katolíků se mi podařilo přiblížit konflikt mezi jejich vírou a národní identitou, ale i jejich roli v místním...

This work examines issues related to the national definition of the Serb community in Dalmatia between 1878 and 1905. It provides a partial assessment of the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the Serbian National Movement in Dalmatia. The thesis focuses on the formation of the Roman Catholic community of Serbs and the internal profile of this community. It also studies how the Serbians approached their conflict with the Croats within Dalmatia. This work also closely considers the historiographical disputes held on this topic between Croatian and Serbian historians. The work examines the circumstances leading up to the formation of the Serbian national movement and the creation of the independent Serbian political parties. I specifically focus on the political parties within the selected period for which Orthodoxy and the Orthodox Church are closely tied to the definition of the Serbian national identity. I also deal with the contentious issues with the Serbs and Roman Catholic communities. I also study the attitude of Serb representatives to the Croatian national movement and deal with their rights under this national project. I found that the connection between the liberal Serbian National Movement and the local leadership of the Orthodox Church was closer than is commonly reported in...

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Europe in the twentieth century witnessed the large-scale displacement and mass murder of civilian populations because of their ethnic or national identity. Genocide is the ultimate expression of this form of integral nationalism. As a result of the Second World War, the term "genocide" was introduced to describe the victimization of nations, and became codified in international law and agreements. The end of the century saw the introduction of a new term: "ethnic cleansing". This term was used to signify something less than the total physical annihilation of a people in the Balkans wars, in contrast to the extermination campaign of the Nazis in World War Two, or the Turks following World War One. This work looks at both campaigns, the Nazis against the Jews and the Serbs against the Bosnians, to argue, however, that ethnic cleansing is genocide. While much of the debate of the 1990s focuses on body counts to justify the distinction between the two, a careful analysis of the original work on genocide and the UN Agreement which outlaws such phenomenon reveal that this "body count" notion is neither correct nor justifiable. Similarly, a look at these two cases reveals act of genocide developed gradually, rather than as part of pre-existing master plans. / Major, United States Army

(in English): The thesis deals with representations of civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the media that are influential among Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs. The introduction summarizes the course of the war and briefly presents current social situation in the country. The nature of media field and of the media as such are described with use of existing analyses and research and with use of available information on media ownership. Continuing ethnic division of media is observed. The thesis uses critical discourse analysis both as a theoretic approach to discourse and as a methodological tool to its study. The civil war discourse in Bosniak and Bosnian Serb media is represented in the analysis by two daily newspapers on each side. The analysis showed mutually incompatible representations of causes and of the nature of the war, prevailing absence of their mutual dialogue and ignorance of war victims of the other side. Looking at more specific topics, a number of discourses are identified on both sides, among which there are some with potential to dialogue with alternative representations. The discourses are interpreted through Bosniak and Bosnian Serb nationalist ideologies.