Thesis (Ph. D.)--Victoria University (Melbourne, Vic.), 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2008. / Vita: p. 95. Thesis director: Jelena Kecmanovic. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Psychology. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed July 7, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-94). Also issued in print.

Univ., Diss.--Göteborg, 2004. / Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Nurturing democratic competence.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-74). Also available online.

Thesis (M.S.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2010. / Thesis advisor: David Kideckel. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 67-76). Also available via the World Wide Web.

This thesis studies the experiences of Albanian and Bosnian Muslim immigrants in Canada in the post-9/11 period. It draws upon a boundary-making framework and employs qualitative and quantitative methods to investigate the destigmatization strategies of Balkan Muslims, as well the national and cultural repertoires that enable and facilitate their utilization. The study yields several important findings. The quantitative findings show that Albanian and Bosnian Muslim immigrants in general show lower levels of attachment to religion compared to other Muslim immigrants. Also, many members of these ethnic groups appear to have resorted to the strategy of distancing and/or disidentifying from Muslim identification and/or faith in favour of identifying as irreligious as a way of coping with rising Islamophobia in Canadian society. The qualitative findings show that the move towards distancing/disidentification is due to a dissonance between the cultural repertoires of the meaning(s) of “Muslim” in participants’ homeland versus that of the host society. Discursively, the process of distancing/disidentification occurs mostly by drawing religious and, relatedly, moral and value boundaries from other, mostly non-European and racialized Muslims. Importantly, despite having been exposed to instances of Islamophobia, participants overwhelmingly reported that their communities have not been significantly affected by anti-Muslim sentiments. I argue that the Albanian and Bosnian Muslims’ lack of religious signs, bolstered by their “whiteness” and society’s general unfamiliarity with Muslims and the Balkans, have greatly contributed to the perceived lack of religion-based discrimination. This study thus demonstrates that Islamophobia is to a significant extent an issue of racism, and that, relatedly, “race” continues to be a weighty marker of differentiation in Canadian society, where skin colour and appearance function as a religious sign.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Europe in the twentieth century witnessed the large-scale displacement and mass murder of civilian populations because of their ethnic or national identity. Genocide is the ultimate expression of this form of integral nationalism. As a result of the Second World War, the term "genocide" was introduced to describe the victimization of nations, and became codified in international law and agreements. The end of the century saw the introduction of a new term: "ethnic cleansing". This term was used to signify something less than the total physical annihilation of a people in the Balkans wars, in contrast to the extermination campaign of the Nazis in World War Two, or the Turks following World War One. This work looks at both campaigns, the Nazis against the Jews and the Serbs against the Bosnians, to argue, however, that ethnic cleansing is genocide. While much of the debate of the 1990s focuses on body counts to justify the distinction between the two, a careful analysis of the original work on genocide and the UN Agreement which outlaws such phenomenon reveal that this "body count" notion is neither correct nor justifiable. Similarly, a look at these two cases reveals act of genocide developed gradually, rather than as part of pre-existing master plans. / Major, United States Army

xvi, 360 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This dissertation is a comparative, ethnographic study of Southern Sudanese and Bosnian refugees and social service organizations in Fargo, North Dakota. I examine how refugee resettlement staff, welfare workers, and volunteers attempted to transform refugee clients into "worthy" citizens through neoliberal policies aimed at making them economically self-sufficient and independent from the state. Refugees' engagement with resettlement and welfare agencies and volunteers depended on their positioning in social hierarchies in their home countries and in the United States. Refugees had widely variable political, educational, cultural, and employment histories, but many had survived war and/or forced migration and had contact with many of the same institutions and employers. Bosnians in Fargo were either white, ethnic Muslims (Bosniaks), or Roma (Gypsies), who had a darker skin color and were stigmatized by Bosniaks. By interrogating intersections of race, class, gender, and culture, I explain why social service providers and the wider public deemed Bosnian Roma as some of the least "worthy" citizens in Fargo and black, Christian Southern Sudanese as some of the worthiest citizens. In so doing, I highlight the important roles of religion, hard work, education, and civic duty as characteristics of "good" citizens in Fargo. The dissertation is based on a year of ethnographic research in Fargo (2007-08). It also builds on previous research with Roma in Bosnia (1998-2000) and employment with a resettlement agency in South Dakota (2001-2002). I relate this analysis to anthropological theories of the state with a particular focus on refugee resettlement in the context of the neoliberal welfare state. Following Harrell- Bond's argument that refugees are often portrayed as mere "recipients of aid," I argue for a more nuanced understanding of refugees as active citizens in Fargo. I view refugee resettlement organizations, welfare agencies, and volunteers as powerful actors in shaping refugees' lives, but I also take into account the ways in which refugees in turn shaped these actors. I show how refugee resettlement called into question hegemonic forms of citizenship in the relatively culturally and racially homogenous city of Fargo. / Committee in charge: Carol Silverman, Chairperson, Anthropology; Sandra Morgen, Member, Anthropology; Lynn Stephen, Member, Anthropology; Susan Hardwick, Outside Member, Geography

To analyze this problem we used periodical publications from the funds of "Adil Zulfikarpašić" Bosnian Institute in Sarajevo, the National Library of Serbia and the Library of the Husnija Kamberović and Amir Duranović from University of Sarajevo, who spesialize in the described by Moše Pijade in his article, which was one of the prerequisites for futher streingh and in 1967, after the release of the essay by Muhamed Filipović, gained a wide range. nation officially named by the government "Muslims" was controversial and illogi 's death in 1980, the problem once again came to the fore.

The purpose of the essay is to examine and analyze the media image and portrayal of Bosnian migrants in a selection of Swedish daily press between the years 1993 and 2022. The used theories are framing theory, semiotics, stigma, and xenophobia. Media has a great impact on society; therefore this becomes an important aspect to examine. If an ethnic group is portrayed positively in the media, it may contribute to society having a positive image of the ethnic group. If there is a negative portrayal of an ethnic group, society can have a negative attitude toward the ethnic group, and xenophobia and stigma can arise. The method used in this study is text analysis. It is a central aspect of the social sciences. Texts affect society by describing and explaining what happens in society and what it looks like so that people will then read it and create opinions and ideas about it. How relations between different groups look in society can depend on how the different groups are presented in texts. It can also affect the groups themselves and how it is presented who belongs to which group. By further analyzing these texts, worldviews and different views of society are created, which in turn lead to influencing how people relate to each other. The result and conclusion of this study are that Bosnian migrants are portrayed mostly positively, but there are also negative representations of the group. The positive representations are about a generally positive portrayal of Bosnians, their arrival, and integration. The group is compared to many other groups of migrants and the discourses are mainly about integration or immigration. Finally, Bosnians are also mostly portrayed as easier to integrate than other groups. This is done through comparisons with groups for whom integration has gone worse.