Activities and production among ethnographic Arctic peoples were primarily divided by gender. This gendered division of labor also extended to a spatial segregated pattern of the household in some Arctic cultures. Other cultures had a more gender-integrated spatial pattern of the household. There have been very few archaeological studies of gender in the Arctic, and even fewer studies of gendered use of space. In this thesis, I evaluated the existence of this gendered use of space in pre-contact Northwest Alaska. I also evaluated the existence of discrete activity spaces. I drew from both ethnoarchaeology and gender/feminist archaeology to both construct my hypotheses and interpret my results. I used ceramics, which were likely primarily made by and used by women, as a proxy for women's movement within the house. Ceramics are abundant and well-preserved in many Northwestern Alaskan sites, and are well suited for a robust spatial analysis. In addition to ceramics, I also evaluated the spatial density of other female artifacts, like ulus or scrapers, and male artifacts, like harpoon points or adzes, in order to further test the existence of gender specific use of space. I tested this using the HDBSCAN (Hierarchical Density Based Spatial Clustering of Applications with Noise) algorithm in Python, a programming language. HDBSCAN identifies discrete clusters of artifacts, as well as the persistence, or stability, of the cluster. Birnirk and Thule era (1300-150 BP) house features from Cape Espenberg, Alaska, were used to test these expectations. Based on the results of my spatial analysis, I did not find any evidence of gender specific use of space, nor did I find specific activity areas within the house. My findings are not necessarily an indication that gender-segregated use of space does not exist among pre-contact Northwest Alaskan people: I just did not find evidence supporting it. This could be, in part, due to issues of sample size, house size, and the role of secondary and post deposition processes in shaping the ceramic assemblage and distribution. While ceramics did cluster, they mostly clustered in the entrance tunnel of the house. This is likely the result of cleaning, storage, or other depositional processes. When ceramics did cluster in the main rooms, clustering was idiosyncratic. Male and female artifacts were not spatially segregated. Female artifacts were slightly more likely to cluster than male artifacts. Both sets of artifacts were generally in the same area as the ceramic clusters. While this study did not find evidence of gendered use of space, it still is an important contribution of addressing questions of gender in the Arctic. In addition, it is a valuable methodological contribution, using a clustering algorithm that previously has not been frequently used by archaeologists.

Bibliography: leaves 438-482 / vii, 482 leaves ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Asian Studies, 1994

The researcher 1) explored Thai employed wives' perceived fairness in the division of household labor and child care, 2) investigated factors determining Thai's working wives' perception of fairness in the division of household labor and child care, and 3) developed a model of the determinants of wives' perceived fairness in the division of household labor and child care. In the model above, relationships were explored between perceived fairness and twenty independent variables. The data are based on a survey administered to 600 employed wives from three different kinds of workplaces in Bangkok, Thailand: Government sector (n=214), quasi-government sector (n=191) and private sector (n=195). Employed wives were recruited by purposive sampling from each workplace. In addition qualitative interviews were used with a convenience sample of 30 employed wives selected by purposive sampling from the large sample of 600. The interview data suggest explanations for wives' perceived fairness in the division of household labor and child care. Stepwise multiple regression was used to develop a model of the determinants predicting wives' perceived fairness in the division of household labor and child care. Findings are that perceived fairness was positively correlated with feeling appreciated, marital happiness, within-gender comparisons, spending time together, work hours/day, family harmony, and wife's ascription to traditional women's roles; but was negatively correlated with wife's value of housework and men's incompetence at housework. The results of the stepwise multiple regression on perceived fairness of the division of household labor indicated that only 9 of 20 independent variables (predictors) enter the regression model at the .05 level of significance or above, accounting for 32% of the variability. The overall relationship of all predictors to perceived fairness was fairly high. Feeling appreciated is the best predictor, followed by marital happiness, within-gender comparison, wife's value of housework, spending time together, work hours/day of wife, family harmony, wife's ascription of women's roles, and men incompetence at housework. The interview data also support the survey data in that outcome value influence wives' perceived fairness. Wives value several outcomes in doing household work and child care. Comparison referents and justifications are another mechanisms that influence wives' perceived fairness. Most wives use several standards when they evaluate fairness, and also use many reasons to justify lower participation of their husbands. Even though gender ideology as measured, in the survey data, does not contribute much to wives' perceived fairness, the interview data strongly suggest that traditional values and culture in Thai society influence and guide wives' choices of comparison referents and justifications to accept the unbalanced of division of labor as fair for them. Both data sets reinforce that wives' perceived fairness is a result of subjective perception, influenced by emotional needs of wives. The study confirms that outcome values, comparison referents and justifications, along with marital happiness and spending time together with husbands all play important roles in explaining wives' perceived fairness. Results are discussed in terms of the relationship between possible determinants and wives' perceived fairness in the division of household labor and child care. In additions, implications for future research, policy, and education/training are discussed. / Graduation date: 2001

Thirty households were randomly selected to examine intra-household gender differentials in work roles and distribution of resources, between adult men and women, and boys and girls. Work related activities were assessed by time used in agricultural work, household work, and income generating work. Distribution of resources was assessed by expenses on clothing, education, and medical care. A significant difference was found in the amount of time spent in agricultural work by men and women, with women contributing more. Women were also found to contribute significantly more time in household work. In income generating activities, men were found to spend significantly more time than women. However, in the total time spent in work related activities, women spent significantly more time than men. The difference in the amount of money spent on clothing for men and women was found to be significant, with men receiving the larger share. The difference in medical care expenses between men and women was not significant. However, directional difference showed that women received less. Although, no meaningful analyses of children could be performed because of sample restrictions, the regression results showed women contributed significantly more than men, and girls contributed significantly more than boys in agricultural work. Similarly, women and girls contributed significantly more time than men and boys in the household work. The regression results also showed that men and boys received significantly more money for clothing than women and girls, and boys received significantly more money for education than girls. Similarly, men and boys received significantly more money for medical care than women and girls. / Graduation date: 1998

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

The main aim in this study is to criticize the prevalent method of approach of the mainstream economics to women&rsquo / s problems. The mainstream approach to women&rsquo / s problems is to emphasize exclusively the significance of education, and participation in work-force, and which defines issues of equality/inequality in terms of economic advantages and externalities. Ensuring gender equality has historically never been the mainspring agenda of governments / and the problems of women have mainly been considered in terms of bringing women into the public sphere. This document examines the situation of women in the Turkish labor market, to see to what extent education helps women exceed their roles of the conventional sexual division of labor in the labor market. The limits of the effect of higher educational degree on the improvement of women&rsquo / s position within the market mechanism are discussed. We found that despite its importance, education on its own is inadequate to secure gender equality in both private and public sphere.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 168-171). / vi, 171 leaves, bound ill. (some col.) 29 cm

This thesis explores the sexual division of labour in three worksites associated with the Western Australian Fishing industry: fishers' households, a seafood processing company and fishing vessels. There has been no previous substantial study of the labour of women in Australian fishing industries. My research has been primarily undertaken by interviewing women and men who work in the Western Australian fishing industry, and my findings are presented through a comparison with overseas literature relative to each site. As I found, in the households of fishermen, women do unpaid and undervalued labour which includes servicing men and children; managing household finances and operating fishing enterprises. In seafood processing companies women are allocated the lowest paid and least rewarding work which is regarded as "women's work". On-the factory floor issues of class, race/ ethnicity and gender intersect so that the majority of women employed in hands-on processing work are migrant women froma non-English speaking background. The majority of women who work at sea are cook/ deckhands who are confronted by a rigid sexual division of labour, and work in a hyper-masculine workplace. The few other women who have found a niche which enables them to enjoy an outdoor lifestyle while they earn their own living, are those who work as autonomous independent small boat fishers. In each site there is evidence that women, individually and collectively, exercise some power in determining how and where they work, but they remain marginalised from the more lucrative sites of the industry, and have limited access to economic and social power.