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It is estimated that between 20-40% of women encounter sexual harassment at a university. However, university grievance offices report that less than one percent of the student population, whether female or male, complains. Sexual harassment research indicates that a large number of people who experience sexual harassment do not label it as such and therefore, do not report it. The effectiveness of the objective sexual harassment definition in describing the experiences of students is questioned. A qualitative approach is used to explore how students define sexual harassment and how they categorize their experiences in relation to their definitions. The analysis, based on twenty interviews of upper year undergraduate students, suggests that although students define sexual harassment similarly to the objective definition, they do not relate their experiences to the definition. The disparity between abstract formulations and concrete experiences may account for the low reporting. The addition of examples of common sexual harassment experiences is suggested as a way of making the objective definition more comprehensive and accessible. An example of how the objective definition may be developed is provided in the concluding chapter.

This thesis is an exploration of perceptions of sexual harassment in Thailand, together with policies and measures against the practice. My main research questions are: How do Thai people perceive sexual harassment? And what can be done to combat and address sexual harassment in Thailand? My research also provides recommendations for measures against sexual harassment in Thailand. The Thai term &quot kan kukkam tang phet &quot is used to convey ???sexual harassment??? in this study. The participants in my study understand kan kukkam tang phet as a broad term covering sexual behaviors that range from verbal harassment to rape. In general, the participants consider that sexual harassment is a big problem in Thailand. However, my research found that there are some perceptions and attitudes of Thai people that need to be dealt with as obstructions of measures against sexual harassment, such as blaming women as a cause of sexual harassment, anti-women prejudices, and the use of the excuse of cultural differences in implementing anti-sexual harassment laws. In regard to the question of legislation addressing sexual harassment in Thailand and what can be done to help to counter it, my findings are that Thailand has no clear approach to sexual harassment; no clear legal definition of sexual harassment; no specific authority or organization at the national level to redress sexual harassment; and no statistics on sexual harassment by national surveys. The promotion of awareness of sexual harassment has not yet been the subject of formal campaigns. My thesis presents recommendations to address sexual harassment in Thailand, through both legal measures and social measures. The legal measures proposed are sexual harassment law, a code of practice, and revision of the Penal Code. I suggest that sexual harassment law should be based on an ???anti-discrimination??? approach, to be consistent with the obligations of Thailand to implement suitable measures to give effect to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Social measures including education, campaigns and surveys on sexual harassment in the Thai community are also recommended in terms of raising the understanding of the concept and awareness of the issue.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Nevada, Reno, 2006. / "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 66-73). Online version available on the World Wide Web. Library also has microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [2006]. 1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1994. / Includes table. Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Jeannette Fleischner. Dissertation Committee: Jonathan Hughes. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 185-188).

Thesis (M.A.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1994. / Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 41-42). Also available via the Internet.

The influence of gender pairing of perpetrator and victim on students' perceptions of the degree of severity and offensiveness of sexual harassment, as well as the degree of likelihood of the scenarios depicting sexual harassment occurring in an actual work setting were investigated.

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Yes / Before 2012, there was no law on sexual harassment in Malaysia. However, when the Employment Act 1955 was amended in 2012, employers must inquire into sexual harassment complaints, failing which a criminal penalty will be imposed. Unfortunately, the new law did not allow a complainant to claim damages from the harasser or the employer. After more than two decades of campaigns by women's rights groups and NGOs, the Anti-Sexual Harassment Bill 2021 (hereinafter 'the ASHB 2021') was finally enacted and passed in July this year. Given the novelty and absence of any academic research, this paper seeks to examine the provisions of the Bill critically to understand its scope, coverage and broader implications for sexual harassment victims. The paper employs a qualitative research methodology, adopting a doctrinal approach and content analysis of the primary source, the ASHB 2021, that would provide a deeper understanding of the legislation. The authors contend that despite being regarded as a victim-centric law, the Bill is half-baked and inadequate to protect sexual harassment victims due to its failure to include significant provisions on the sexual harassment definition, the protection against victimisation and employers' obligations to prevent and address such conduct. / The authors would like to express their gratitude to the Faculty of Law, Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) Shah Alam, Selangor, Malaysia, which facilitated the writing and publication workshop and funded this paper.

This thesis offers an evaluation of and engagement with the reimagined Christian sexual politics that John Howard Yoder began arguing for and engaging in during the 1970s, collectively referred to as his "Grand Noble Experiment." Its primary goal is to present how Yoder postured his "Grand Noble Experiment" as a theological exercise. A secondary goal is to then appraise it in regards to traditional Christian understandings of sex, marriage, and community and also in regards to Yoder's own broader theopolitical work. It is hoped that by doing these things this thesis will not only shed light on Yoder's "Grand Noble Experiment" but will also help others-theological ethicists, Yoder scholars, and Christians more broadly- adjudicate its place and power within his wider corpus as they seek to discern if, and if so how, they might faithfully continue to rely on that corpus. Chapter one will give an overview of the lived history of Yoder's "Grand Noble Experiment" with a particular focus on Yoder's relationships with women around him during the 1970s. This chapter will show how Yoder's new communal sexual theology evolved in the 1970s and early 1980s and will serve as background for the discussions that follow. Chapter two will examine Yoder's efforts in the early 1970s to encourage Mennonite churches to take the loneliness and isolation of single Christians in their midst more seriously and then to restructure their communities in order to better incorporate these single brothers and sisters into their lives together. While there is little that is overtly sexual in these works, and less that is perversely so, much of what followed grew out of this early focus on singleness. Chapter three will look at a set of essays that Yoder wrote in the mid-1970s in which he offers a reappraisal of Jesus' own sexual ethics: how Jesus related to the women around him and therefore, Yoder maintains, how he would have his male followers relate to women as well. Because one of Yoder's core theological, discipular commitments was that the life of Jesus was ethically normative for Christians, the exegetical (eisegetical?) work that Yoder exhibits in these essays will be seen to be a turning point in how he presented the Church's responsibility for the care of single Christians. For Yoder, the freedom that Christians have to relate to one another through physical affection, following the witness of their Lord, brings with it a concomitant responsibility to address the physical, sexual needs of single brothers and sisters around them. Chapter four will then take an extended look at how Yoder himself presented sexuality and its place within Christian community as exhibited in his writings from the second half of the 1970s through the early 1980s. In these essays, Yoder's "Grand Noble Experiment" comes to full flower as he encourages Christians to put off the unchristian sexual inhibitions that they had inherited and to live into the full physical freedom of the Gospel, a freedom that they can enjoy with one another-married and single alike-as brothers and sisters in Christ's Body. Finally, chapter five will briefly step away from Yoder's "Grand Noble Experiment" in order to engage another segment of Yoder's corpus: his unpublished essays on marriage and divorce, collectively titled "One Flesh Until Death." Because these essays on divorce were written over the same period of time as his essays on sexuality and because of the overlap between their subjects, one might assume that the arguments contained in these two sets of essays would be sympathetic to one another. However, it will be shown in this final chapter that the politics of Yoder's "One Flesh Until Death"-the sexual politics to be sure but also the wider communal, Christian politics that it assumes-differ significantly from those of his "Grand Noble Experiment." Therefore, it is the assertion of this thesis that "One Flesh Until Death" offers a helpful juxtaposition to the "Grand Noble Experiment" and therefore that their juxtaposition can serve as a useful heuristic for evaluating the place and power of the "Grand Noble Experiment" within Yoder's wider work.