• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 2
  • 2
  • 1
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 4
  • 4
  • 4
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

Sino-Indian Relations:Complex Challenges in a Complex Relationship

Svensson, Johan January 2012 (has links)
China and India, demographically being the two largest countries in the world, are together accounting for more than a third of the world’s total population. This makes the Sino-Indian relationship critical not only for those living in China and India, but for the whole world. Regardless of a history filled with conflicts and a contemporary competition over regional influence have the two Asian powers managed to increasingly deepen their economic ties. Even though the relationship seems to be moving in a more peaceful direction of mutual understanding and cooperation, it is still a very fragile relationship. The focus of this research lies in the contemporary Sino-Indian relations, which aims to understand the role trade and cooperation have had in moving the attention away from security-related issues on to more positive fields. The empirical observations that will be tested in the case of Sino-Indian relations are the border dispute at Arunachal Pradesh and the political and economic interdependence. Together these will represent the empirical foundation of the research, which will be tested and interpreted by the neo-realist and neo-liberal perspective. The concluding remarks on the research is that trade and cooperation unlikely is the main factor in the Sino-Indian relationship, preventing or reducing attention from being given to security-related issues, but should rather be seen as the foundational source on which a process towards confidence-building measures, institutions, mutual interests and a political goodwill has been established.
2

Post-Cold War Sino-Indian Relations: Competition and Cooperation

Liu, Hui-Min 05 February 2006 (has links)
China and India relations changed tremendously after the Cold War. Economic development is the utmost priority at the end of the Cold War, deriving from recognition that international competition is shifting from military confrontation to overall economic, scientific, and technological capabilities. Therefore, the two countries appeared to recognize the futility of confrontation, and moves to rebuild confidence proceeded apace. With an emphasis on seeking co-operation in other areas of mutual benefit, both sides agreed to break the impasse on the boundary question and to maintain peace and stability along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). This positive spirit was reflected in the signing of Confidence-building measures (CBMs) and Trade Protocol which helped develop better mutual understanding. But India feels uneasy to observe China's rising economic and military capability across East Asia, because the 1962 War had cast long shadows in their elite¡¦s memory. New Delhi is concerned about China¡¦s assistance to Pakistan¡¦s nuclear and missile program, and offer military weapons to Sri Lanka, Nepal and Myanmar by far. New Delhi has always viewed any China, Pakistan and Myanmar¡¦s relationship as a scheme to strangle or restraint India¡¦s strategic throughout the Indian Ocean. Thus India drive for defense modernization focuses on strategic forces, especially its acquisition of certain high-profile naval ships and systems, and prepared to assert its interests to counter the rise in Chinese interest there. Moreover, India spreads China threat when China rising across East Asia that reinforced the worry of China¡¦s neighbors about China¡¦s power spread through their countries. It is obvious that one of the reasons why ASEAN was keen to bring India into the regional affairs was the concern with China. Therefore, India proceeds to more bilateral exchanges and boost economic, even military exercises with each Southeast Asian country. Furthermore, Indian continued hosting of the Tibetan government in exile to counter China support of the Pakistan. The study focuses on : India and China, the two most populous nations on earth, how these two emerging great powers manage their cooperation and competition in the coming years will have a major impact on regional security. The purpose of this research is from the perspective realism of geopolitics approach to analyze the factors of Sino-Indian competition and cooperation, as well as analysis the two countries historical conflict and evolution toward potential cooperation and quiet competition currently.
3

中國崛起後中印競合關係之研究 / A Study on Sino-Indian Coopetition after the Rise of China

曾孟傑, Tseng, Meng Chieh Unknown Date (has links)
自1978年以來,中國走上了改革開放的道路,伴隨著連年高幅度的經濟成長,國際地位大幅上升,讓中國從自19世紀以來的羸弱走向富強,「中國崛起」這個概念,已經被當前世界各國普遍接受。而正當眾人的目光置於中國崛起的同時,印度也同樣有著突出的表現。若中國是繼美國以後,下一個有能力主宰世界的強權,那印度則就是在中國之後下一個潛在的強國繼任者。做為毗鄰而居的兩個發展中國家,同時又是新崛起的大國,中、印關係受到全世界的矚目,中、印關係對於區域的發展、穩定,乃至於國際權力結構的變化而言,其重要性更是不言可喻。 長久以來,研究中、美或中、俄等大國關係的文獻可謂汗牛充棟,但對於中、印關係的探討卻沒有相稱的比例。面對美國國力的逐漸衰頹,新興的強權將逐挑戰它既有的霸權地位,而這兩個擁有廣大市場及發展潛力的國家,都剛好有著此般的潛能。在可預見的未來,中、印關係的發展趨勢,必將是重要的研究課題。 面對中國崛起所帶動的區域經貿整合與發展,印度調整了對中國的外交方略,以務實的合作取代長期不友好的競爭關係,並從政治、軍事、經貿甚至逐漸外溢至能(資)源、反恐乃至於氣候變遷等非傳統安全等領域,兩國的合作態勢趨於明朗與頻繁;而就另一方面來看,源自於雙邊互信不足以及結構性矛盾,中、印兩國即使逐步走向合作,但仍舊是競爭關係要較合作關係來的顯著,除了戰略利益上的衝突促使兩國互踏對方的門戶外,美、俄、日等大國間在東亞的競逐,使得中、印間看似的和睦更摻雜了複雜的變數。 鑒於此,本研究嘗試以中國崛起做為背景,希能歸整出中、印兩國在傳統乃至於非傳統安全領域裡,競爭與合作關係的趨勢與消長,並藉由梳理中、印間的競合態勢,預測兩國未來的關係走向。 / Since 1978, China has been on the path of reform and opening-up, accompanied by yearly significant economic growth, as well as fast rising international status. This has enabled China to shed her image as a morbid state since the nineteenth century, and stride toward wealth and prosperity. The concept, “The Rise of China”, has been widely accepted around the globe. But as all eyes are on rising China, India is also a country that has an equally outstanding performance. Supposedly China is the next power capable of dominating the world after the US, then India is the next potential power following the steps of China. China and India, as two adjacent developing countries and rising powerhouses, have the international attention riveted on their relations. It is self-evident that the relations between the two countries is highly important to regional development, regional stability, and even to the structural change of international powers. Over the long term, publications regarding Sino-American relations, and Sino-Russian relations have arguably been abundant. Yet, there is an unproportionally scarce amount of discussion of Sino-Indian relations. With US’s power on the decline, emerging powers will, one after another, challenge US’s current dominance. And the two states, both blessed with a large market and the potential for development, happen to be the potential challengers. In the foreseeable future, the development of Sino-Indian relations will undoubtedly be an important issue for study. Facing the regional economic integration and development brought forth by the rise of China, India has adjusted her diplomatic strategy to China by replacing long-term hostile vying relations with down-to-earth cooperation. The cooperation between the two countries, which has extended from politics, military, economic and trade, to non-traditional security fields such as energy / resources, counter-terrorism, and climate change, has become increasingly clear and frequent. From another aspect, owing to the lack of mutual trust and the structural conflict between the two sides, China and India, though walking toward cooperation, remain more of two competitors than two partners. Aside from territorial invasions caused by the conflict on strategic interest between China and India, the competition in East Asia between world powers such as the US, Russia, and Japan has complicated the seemingly peaceful Sino-Indian relations with uncertainties. Judging from the fact mentioned above, this study attempts to, with the rise of China as the backdrop, sort out the trend as well as the rise and fall of Sino-Indian cooperation in traditional security fields and non-traditional security fields. This study also attempts to predict China and India’s future relations by combing through the cooperation and competition between the two countries.
4

美印戰略夥伴與中共區域強權之互動

張皖民 Unknown Date (has links)
印度為近代新興崛起的國家,在政治、經濟、資訊、科技與軍事上均有顯著的進步,其綜合國力的提升已不容忽視。尤其在經濟上的發展速度,更令世界各國所矚目,而現今世界公認的「金磚四國」中,印度則列居名單之內,其涵意代表著在未來國際權力地位追逐的過程當中,具有更深厚的競爭潛力。就地緣戰略的觀點而言,印度位於麻六甲海峽至波斯灣之間的交通樞紐,為非洲與中東地區能源及貿易物資輸往西太平洋的必經路線,而能源線的暢通與否,均牽動著東、南亞地區的經濟命脈。 冷戰結束後,兩極對抗的國際格局不再,印度新一代戰略菁英份子認為,印度應採取「以武力取代外交功能」的戰略觀。由於印、巴衝突所帶來的不安全感,及中共的核武構成的威脅,使得印度方面必須藉由核武發展與整建軍力,來化解印度所面臨的威脅,卻也引了發核武競賽問題。1947年印度獨立後美國並未重視,僅視印度是一個阻止共產主義擴散的國家。當印度躋身進入核武國家行列之後,便開始發崛印度在南亞地緣戰略的重要性,正因為印度國力逐漸提升,使得美、印兩國建立「邁向21世紀戰略夥伴」關係,來面對中國「和平崛起」的所帶來的挑戰。 1979年12月24日蘇聯入侵阿富汗後,卡特政府體認到印度戰略地位的重要性,視印度為防堵蘇聯共產勢力擴散的國家,於1980年再度恢復美、印核能合作計畫,提供有關核反應爐所需原料,藉此拉攏印度成為美國反共產主義的盟友。冷戰結束後,柯林頓政府提出了「交往與擴大的國家安全戰略」,強調「安全、經濟、民主」是美國外交政策的三大支柱,因而開始拓展與印度的合作範圍,加強經貿與軍事合作,以符合美國國家利益目標。 小布希總統上台,將中共定位為「戰略競爭者」的角色,視中國「和平崛起」對美國的威脅。「911」恐佈攻擊事件,美國雖與中共在反恐任務上共同合作,但仍不失其對中國的戒心,因此與印度共同結合成為「邁向21世紀的戰略夥伴」關係,以防止中國「和平崛起」對美國霸權地位的挑戰。 中國「和平崛起」強調努力發展和壯大自己,維護世界和平,堅持開放與平等互利原則,與各國發展經貿,強調現在與未來不稱霸。美印戰略合作,將使得中共在海洋戰略發展受限,同時更影響了中、印兩國的經貿發展。中國為了防止美、印戰略關係所形成的衝擊,必須展現其大國外交作風,穩固與印度經貿上的合作,深化與歐盟實質關係,運用「上海合作組織」來強化其在區域大國的地位,以防範美國對其所實施的新圍堵策略。 / India, one of emerging countries in recent years, has had great progress in politics, economics, information, technology and military. India’s current social status and economic strength has drawn everyone’s attention, especially in BRICs, it plays an important part. In terms of its geo-strategic prospects, India, locating between Strait of Malacca and Persia Gulf, is an essential commercial access. After the Cold War, the new-generation elites think India should take the strategy of replacing democratic function with power. Because of the fear resulting from the India-Pakistan conflicts and the threat of nuclear power in China Communist, India must rebuild its military forces by developing nuclear power so that some threat to the national defense will be released. The problem about nuclear competition is getting worse. As a result, America and India start to set up “the relationships of strategic partnership toward 21st century” to face the challenge coming from “Peaceful Rise” in China. After Soviet invaded Afghanistan in December 24, 1979, the Cater Administration, realizing the importance of India’s strategic status, regarded India as a defense stopping the communist from spreading and regained the nuclear cooperation plan between America and India to make India a member of the alliance of anti-china communist. After the Cold War, the Clinton Administration addressed the strategy of “enlargement and engagement”, emphasizing that safety, economics and democracy are three main parts in diplomatic policy in U.S.A. America started to cooperate with India in commerce and military to meet their own national interest. George, W. Bush considered China a “strategic competitor” and regarded “Peaceful Rise” as a threat to America. After 911 terror attack. America made efforts to establish the relationship of “strategic partnership toward 21st century” with India and prevent China’s “Peaceful Rise” from challenging America’s powerful status. America and India’s cooperation restricts the development of China’s ocean strategy and influences the development of economics and commerce between China and India. Therefore, China tries hard to make use of “Shanghai Cooperation Organization” to reinforce its status and guard against America’s “Geopolitics”.

Page generated in 0.0938 seconds