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The city of Stockholm has set the goal to build 140 000 new residential units by 2030 to meet the demand of a growing urban population. Simultaneously we are seeing a decline in biodiversity in and surrounding the city. Some of the main factors are climate change, pollution, overexploitation and habitat destruction. As cities grow, they have the potential to aid or accelerate these problems, depending on how this urban growth is approached.In current urban development projects in Stockholm, we increasingly see large scale, high exploitation projects that view efficiency and profitability as their main goal. Biodiversity is largely considered an afterthought. We are chipping away at natural habitats and infrastructure, which has dramatic consequences for other species and ultimately ourselves.This thesis is a study on the city’s impact on biodiversity, and how new developments in Stockholm relate to our surrounding ecosystems. It is an investigation of how we, as urban dwellers, can live with nature. It is also an exploration of how we, as architects and urban planners, can shape cities for urban mutualism.

本論文では、これまでの社会、生態的レジリエンス理論についての検討を行った。これまで個別に扱われてきた社会と生態系システムを統一的な構造を持つシステムとしてとらえ、持続可能なシステムの変化を生み出すメカニズムについての理論的な構築を提案した。これまで個別に扱われてきた社会と生態系システムを統一的な構造を持つシステムとしてとらえ、持続可能なシステムの変化を生み出すメカニズムについての理論的な構築を提案した。 / The objective of my dissertation is to build and develop a theoretical framework about understanding what social-ecological transformative change is and how social-ecological transformative change happens. / 博士(理学) / Doctor of Philosophy in Science / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

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Achieving the SDGs by 2030 requires transformative change and significant financial investments. Impact investing (II) is a nascent investment practice with the intention of creating positive social and environmental impact alongside financial return. In 2022, the impact investing industry was valued at $1.164 trillion. The Global Impact Investing Network (GIIN) positions impact investing as a tool for addressing the world’s most pressing challenges and the field is generally touted as a means to direct much-needed financial resources towards the achievement of the SDGs. This study explores whether and how impact investing contributes to the needed transformations, using qualitative content analysis of the impact reports from a sample of 13 GIIN Investors’ Council members on a framework that combines key principles of social-ecological resilience and transformative investment for equity and justice. The findings from applying the framework suggest that some impact investors are contributing to resilience, particularly by approaching social and environmental issues as long-term and systemic challenges. II actors who primarily use equity-funding and focus their activities in the Minority World appear to be contributing less to resilience and none of the actors meet the principles for transformative investment. However, existing frameworks from SES resilience seem insufficient to fully investigate the complex dynamics of impact-focused financial interventions in social- ecological systems. Despite claiming to address systemic issues, findings also indicate that impact investing takes a superficial, reductionist and instrumentalist approach to what it considers impact and does not radically redirect resource flows to benefit groups identified as vulnerable and marginalized, which has been suggested as necessary to deliver on the SDGs. Furthermore, there is little indication that impact investment addresses and seeks to change the dominant power structures and belief systems that give rise to unsustainable practices, with concerning signs that they may actually be cementing these current systems.

Agricultural sustainability is critical global agenda, integrating environmental stewardship and social equity, with scale production and gender dynamics significantly influencing the social-ecological-spatial relations on farms. Nevertheless, the relationships between scale production and gender dynamics of farms are missing in existing literature. Through the lens of Feminist Political Ecology and care ethics, and with an emphasis on scale, this thesis focuses on forces across scales that can influence the socio-ecological transformations of different farms and women farmers’ embodied experiences within and beyond farms. Through life-course interviews with women farmers and document analysis of agricultural policies at local, regional, and national levels, this thesis investigates small-scale and large- scale farm cases in the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei Region of China. This thesis indicates that social relations are deeply intertwined with environmental processes, where the scale of farms is produced and manipulated by governance power, metabolism between places, and individuals’ trajectories. While facing challenges of labor exploitation, women farmers embrace care ethics to contribute to human-nature and interpersonal connections, shaping the sustainable development of farms. Women farmers’ care practices reflect how they navigate the constructed patriarchal hierarchy in agricultural activities, involving the tensions between empowerment and subordination. The research suggests that integrating care ethics with the politics of scale can provide a comprehensive understanding of gender dynamics in agricultural socio-ecological transitions.

Climate change-related vulnerabilities in Loíza are prevalent in both physical and social dimensions. The social-ecological systems indicate that a change in one component will trigger an effect in the other regardless if physical or not, suggesting that the examination of vulnerabilities cannot be done overlooking one dimension. Such is the case of transportation, as climate change vulnerabilities in Puerto Rico are exacerbated due to the capacity of the Island to recover from a disaster, mainly because there are nearly no options for mobility aside from a private vehicle. This research intended to describe the social vulnerabilities of the population and asses the physical vulnerabilities of the transportation infrastructure of Loíza to understand how resilience is threatened using the social-ecological systems approach. This study found that the transportation infrastructure is exposed and sensitive to sea level rise, flooding, and strong winds, mainly because these climate stressors cause damage to the roadways and inhibit the flow and traffic of people throughout the main roadway and evacuation route, the PR-187. The study also identified that Loíza is socially vulnerable. Many people belong to one of the described vulnerable groups, indicating that its population may experience hurdles in preparing for and recovering after a natural disaster primarily because the available resources greatly condition the level of preparedness and capacity to cope. It was evidenced that transportation plays an enormous role in decreasing or increasing resilience in Loíza, as it will determine how fast people can access supplies and necessary services to reconstruct and recover from a natural disaster. Adaptation strategies should be outlined alongside the community to ensure an equitable and inclusive approach, as well as ensure assertive and effective outcomes for all the residents of Loíza. / Master of Urban and Regional Planning / Climate change-related vulnerabilities in Loíza are presented in both physical and social aspects. The social-ecological systems indicate that a change in one thing will trigger an effect in the other regardless if physical or not, suggesting that the study of vulnerabilities cannot be done overlooking one aspect. Such is the case of transportation, as climate change vulnerabilities in Puerto Rico are aggravated due to the capacity of the Island to recover from a natural disaster, mainly because there are nearly no options to move around other than an automobile. This research intended to describe the social vulnerabilities of the population and asses the physical vulnerabilities of the transportation infrastructure of Loíza to understand how resilience is threatened using the social-ecological systems approach. This study found that the transportation infrastructure is exposed and sensitive to sea level rise, flooding, and strong winds, mainly because these climate stressors cause damage to the roadways and stop the flow and traffic of people throughout the main roadway and evacuation route, the PR-187. The study also identified that Loíza is socially vulnerable. Many people belong to one of the described vulnerable groups, indicating that its population may experience problems in preparing for and recovering after a natural disaster primarily because the available resources greatly determine the level of preparedness and capacity to cope. It was evidenced that transportation plays an enormous role in decreasing or increasing resilience in Loíza, as it will indicate how fast people can access supplies and necessary services to reconstruct and recover from a natural disaster. Adaptation strategies should be outlined alongside the community to ensure an equitable and inclusive approach, as well as ensure assertive and effective outcomes for all the residents of Loíza.

Resilience is defined as doing well despite significant hardships. Based on four principles informing a social-ecological definition of resilience (that is, decentrality, complexity, a typicality, and cultural relativity), Ungar (2011, 2012) hypothesised an explanation of social-ecological resilience. Seen from this perspective, resilience involves active youthsocial-ecological transactions towards meaningful, resilience-promoting supports. Youths’ usage of these supports might differ due to, among others, specific lived experiences, contextual influences, and youths’ subjective perceptions. While Ungar’s explanation is both popular and plausible, it has not been quantitatively tested, also not in South Africa. Moreover, there is little quantitatively informed evidence about youths’ differential resource-use, particularly when youth share a context and culture, and how such knowledge might support social ecologies to facilitate resilience processes. The overall purpose of this study was, therefore, to investigate black South African youths’ resilience processes from a social-ecological perspective, using a sample of black South African youth. This purpose was operationalised as sub-aims (explained below) that addressed the aforementioned gaps in theory. Data to support this study were accessed via the Pathways to Resilience Research Project (see www.resilienceresearch.org), of which this study is part. The Pathways to Resilience Research Project investigates the social-ecological contributions to youths’ resilience across cultures. This study consists of three manuscripts. Using a systematic literature review, Manuscript 1 evaluated how well quantitative studies of South African youth resilience avoided the pitfalls made public in the international critiques of resilience studies. For the most part, quantitative studies of South African youth resilience did not mirror international developments of understanding resilience as a complex socio-ecologically facilitated process. The results identified aspects of quantitative studies of South African youth resilience that necessitated attention. In addition, the manuscript called for quantitative studies that would statistically explain the complex dynamic resilience-supporting transactions between South African youths and their contexts. Manuscript 2 answered the aforementioned call by grounding its research design in a theoretical framework that respected the sociocultural life-worlds of South African youth (that is, Ungar’s Social-Ecological Explanation of Resilience). Ungar’s Social-Ecological Explanation of Resilience was modelled using latent variable modelling in Mplus 7.2, with data gathered with the Pathways to Resilience Youth Measure by 730 black South African school-going youth. The results established that South African youths adjusted well to challenges associated with poverty and violence because of resilience processes that were co-facilitated by social ecologies. It was, furthermore, concluded that school engagement was a functional outcome of the resilience processes among black South African youth. Manuscript 2 also provided evidence that an apposite, necessary, and respectful education contributed towards schooling as a meaningful resource. Manuscript 3 provided deeper insight into aspects of black South African youths’ resilience processes. Manuscript 3 investigated youths’ self-reported perceptions of resilience-promoting resources by means of data gathered by the Pathways to Resilience Youth Measure. Consequently, two distinct groups of youth from the same social ecology made vulnerable by poverty were compared (that is, functionally resilient youth, n = 221; and formal service-using youth, n = 186). Measurement invariance, latent mean differences in Mplus 7.2, and analyses of variance in SPSS 22.0 were employed. What emerged was that positive perceptions of caregiving (that is, physical and psychological) were crucial to youths’ use of formal resilience-promoting resources and subsequent functional outcomes. The conclusions resulted in implications for both caregivers and practitioners. / PhD (Educational Psychology) North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus 2015

Resilience is defined as doing well despite significant hardships. Based on four principles informing a social-ecological definition of resilience (that is, decentrality, complexity, a typicality, and cultural relativity), Ungar (2011, 2012) hypothesised an explanation of social-ecological resilience. Seen from this perspective, resilience involves active youthsocial-ecological transactions towards meaningful, resilience-promoting supports. Youths’ usage of these supports might differ due to, among others, specific lived experiences, contextual influences, and youths’ subjective perceptions. While Ungar’s explanation is both popular and plausible, it has not been quantitatively tested, also not in South Africa. Moreover, there is little quantitatively informed evidence about youths’ differential resource-use, particularly when youth share a context and culture, and how such knowledge might support social ecologies to facilitate resilience processes. The overall purpose of this study was, therefore, to investigate black South African youths’ resilience processes from a social-ecological perspective, using a sample of black South African youth. This purpose was operationalised as sub-aims (explained below) that addressed the aforementioned gaps in theory. Data to support this study were accessed via the Pathways to Resilience Research Project (see www.resilienceresearch.org), of which this study is part. The Pathways to Resilience Research Project investigates the social-ecological contributions to youths’ resilience across cultures. This study consists of three manuscripts. Using a systematic literature review, Manuscript 1 evaluated how well quantitative studies of South African youth resilience avoided the pitfalls made public in the international critiques of resilience studies. For the most part, quantitative studies of South African youth resilience did not mirror international developments of understanding resilience as a complex socio-ecologically facilitated process. The results identified aspects of quantitative studies of South African youth resilience that necessitated attention. In addition, the manuscript called for quantitative studies that would statistically explain the complex dynamic resilience-supporting transactions between South African youths and their contexts. Manuscript 2 answered the aforementioned call by grounding its research design in a theoretical framework that respected the sociocultural life-worlds of South African youth (that is, Ungar’s Social-Ecological Explanation of Resilience). Ungar’s Social-Ecological Explanation of Resilience was modelled using latent variable modelling in Mplus 7.2, with data gathered with the Pathways to Resilience Youth Measure by 730 black South African school-going youth. The results established that South African youths adjusted well to challenges associated with poverty and violence because of resilience processes that were co-facilitated by social ecologies. It was, furthermore, concluded that school engagement was a functional outcome of the resilience processes among black South African youth. Manuscript 2 also provided evidence that an apposite, necessary, and respectful education contributed towards schooling as a meaningful resource. Manuscript 3 provided deeper insight into aspects of black South African youths’ resilience processes. Manuscript 3 investigated youths’ self-reported perceptions of resilience-promoting resources by means of data gathered by the Pathways to Resilience Youth Measure. Consequently, two distinct groups of youth from the same social ecology made vulnerable by poverty were compared (that is, functionally resilient youth, n = 221; and formal service-using youth, n = 186). Measurement invariance, latent mean differences in Mplus 7.2, and analyses of variance in SPSS 22.0 were employed. What emerged was that positive perceptions of caregiving (that is, physical and psychological) were crucial to youths’ use of formal resilience-promoting resources and subsequent functional outcomes. The conclusions resulted in implications for both caregivers and practitioners. / PhD (Educational Psychology) North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus 2015