本論文では、これまでの社会、生態的レジリエンス理論についての検討を行った。これまで個別に扱われてきた社会と生態系システムを統一的な構造を持つシステムとしてとらえ、持続可能なシステムの変化を生み出すメカニズムについての理論的な構築を提案した。これまで個別に扱われてきた社会と生態系システムを統一的な構造を持つシステムとしてとらえ、持続可能なシステムの変化を生み出すメカニズムについての理論的な構築を提案した。 / The objective of my dissertation is to build and develop a theoretical framework about understanding what social-ecological transformative change is and how social-ecological transformative change happens. / 博士(理学) / Doctor of Philosophy in Science / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

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Climate change-related vulnerabilities in Loíza are prevalent in both physical and social dimensions. The social-ecological systems indicate that a change in one component will trigger an effect in the other regardless if physical or not, suggesting that the examination of vulnerabilities cannot be done overlooking one dimension. Such is the case of transportation, as climate change vulnerabilities in Puerto Rico are exacerbated due to the capacity of the Island to recover from a disaster, mainly because there are nearly no options for mobility aside from a private vehicle. This research intended to describe the social vulnerabilities of the population and asses the physical vulnerabilities of the transportation infrastructure of Loíza to understand how resilience is threatened using the social-ecological systems approach. This study found that the transportation infrastructure is exposed and sensitive to sea level rise, flooding, and strong winds, mainly because these climate stressors cause damage to the roadways and inhibit the flow and traffic of people throughout the main roadway and evacuation route, the PR-187. The study also identified that Loíza is socially vulnerable. Many people belong to one of the described vulnerable groups, indicating that its population may experience hurdles in preparing for and recovering after a natural disaster primarily because the available resources greatly condition the level of preparedness and capacity to cope. It was evidenced that transportation plays an enormous role in decreasing or increasing resilience in Loíza, as it will determine how fast people can access supplies and necessary services to reconstruct and recover from a natural disaster. Adaptation strategies should be outlined alongside the community to ensure an equitable and inclusive approach, as well as ensure assertive and effective outcomes for all the residents of Loíza. / Master of Urban and Regional Planning / Climate change-related vulnerabilities in Loíza are presented in both physical and social aspects. The social-ecological systems indicate that a change in one thing will trigger an effect in the other regardless if physical or not, suggesting that the study of vulnerabilities cannot be done overlooking one aspect. Such is the case of transportation, as climate change vulnerabilities in Puerto Rico are aggravated due to the capacity of the Island to recover from a natural disaster, mainly because there are nearly no options to move around other than an automobile. This research intended to describe the social vulnerabilities of the population and asses the physical vulnerabilities of the transportation infrastructure of Loíza to understand how resilience is threatened using the social-ecological systems approach. This study found that the transportation infrastructure is exposed and sensitive to sea level rise, flooding, and strong winds, mainly because these climate stressors cause damage to the roadways and stop the flow and traffic of people throughout the main roadway and evacuation route, the PR-187. The study also identified that Loíza is socially vulnerable. Many people belong to one of the described vulnerable groups, indicating that its population may experience problems in preparing for and recovering after a natural disaster primarily because the available resources greatly determine the level of preparedness and capacity to cope. It was evidenced that transportation plays an enormous role in decreasing or increasing resilience in Loíza, as it will indicate how fast people can access supplies and necessary services to reconstruct and recover from a natural disaster. Adaptation strategies should be outlined alongside the community to ensure an equitable and inclusive approach, as well as ensure assertive and effective outcomes for all the residents of Loíza.

Achieving the SDGs by 2030 requires transformative change and significant financial investments. Impact investing (II) is a nascent investment practice with the intention of creating positive social and environmental impact alongside financial return. In 2022, the impact investing industry was valued at $1.164 trillion. The Global Impact Investing Network (GIIN) positions impact investing as a tool for addressing the world’s most pressing challenges and the field is generally touted as a means to direct much-needed financial resources towards the achievement of the SDGs. This study explores whether and how impact investing contributes to the needed transformations, using qualitative content analysis of the impact reports from a sample of 13 GIIN Investors’ Council members on a framework that combines key principles of social-ecological resilience and transformative investment for equity and justice. The findings from applying the framework suggest that some impact investors are contributing to resilience, particularly by approaching social and environmental issues as long-term and systemic challenges. II actors who primarily use equity-funding and focus their activities in the Minority World appear to be contributing less to resilience and none of the actors meet the principles for transformative investment. However, existing frameworks from SES resilience seem insufficient to fully investigate the complex dynamics of impact-focused financial interventions in social- ecological systems. Despite claiming to address systemic issues, findings also indicate that impact investing takes a superficial, reductionist and instrumentalist approach to what it considers impact and does not radically redirect resource flows to benefit groups identified as vulnerable and marginalized, which has been suggested as necessary to deliver on the SDGs. Furthermore, there is little indication that impact investment addresses and seeks to change the dominant power structures and belief systems that give rise to unsustainable practices, with concerning signs that they may actually be cementing these current systems.

Agricultural sustainability is critical global agenda, integrating environmental stewardship and social equity, with scale production and gender dynamics significantly influencing the social-ecological-spatial relations on farms. Nevertheless, the relationships between scale production and gender dynamics of farms are missing in existing literature. Through the lens of Feminist Political Ecology and care ethics, and with an emphasis on scale, this thesis focuses on forces across scales that can influence the socio-ecological transformations of different farms and women farmers’ embodied experiences within and beyond farms. Through life-course interviews with women farmers and document analysis of agricultural policies at local, regional, and national levels, this thesis investigates small-scale and large- scale farm cases in the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei Region of China. This thesis indicates that social relations are deeply intertwined with environmental processes, where the scale of farms is produced and manipulated by governance power, metabolism between places, and individuals’ trajectories. While facing challenges of labor exploitation, women farmers embrace care ethics to contribute to human-nature and interpersonal connections, shaping the sustainable development of farms. Women farmers’ care practices reflect how they navigate the constructed patriarchal hierarchy in agricultural activities, involving the tensions between empowerment and subordination. The research suggests that integrating care ethics with the politics of scale can provide a comprehensive understanding of gender dynamics in agricultural socio-ecological transitions.

Resilience is defined as doing well despite significant hardships. Based on four principles informing a social-ecological definition of resilience (that is, decentrality, complexity, a typicality, and cultural relativity), Ungar (2011, 2012) hypothesised an explanation of social-ecological resilience. Seen from this perspective, resilience involves active youthsocial-ecological transactions towards meaningful, resilience-promoting supports. Youths’ usage of these supports might differ due to, among others, specific lived experiences, contextual influences, and youths’ subjective perceptions. While Ungar’s explanation is both popular and plausible, it has not been quantitatively tested, also not in South Africa. Moreover, there is little quantitatively informed evidence about youths’ differential resource-use, particularly when youth share a context and culture, and how such knowledge might support social ecologies to facilitate resilience processes. The overall purpose of this study was, therefore, to investigate black South African youths’ resilience processes from a social-ecological perspective, using a sample of black South African youth. This purpose was operationalised as sub-aims (explained below) that addressed the aforementioned gaps in theory. Data to support this study were accessed via the Pathways to Resilience Research Project (see www.resilienceresearch.org), of which this study is part. The Pathways to Resilience Research Project investigates the social-ecological contributions to youths’ resilience across cultures. This study consists of three manuscripts. Using a systematic literature review, Manuscript 1 evaluated how well quantitative studies of South African youth resilience avoided the pitfalls made public in the international critiques of resilience studies. For the most part, quantitative studies of South African youth resilience did not mirror international developments of understanding resilience as a complex socio-ecologically facilitated process. The results identified aspects of quantitative studies of South African youth resilience that necessitated attention. In addition, the manuscript called for quantitative studies that would statistically explain the complex dynamic resilience-supporting transactions between South African youths and their contexts. Manuscript 2 answered the aforementioned call by grounding its research design in a theoretical framework that respected the sociocultural life-worlds of South African youth (that is, Ungar’s Social-Ecological Explanation of Resilience). Ungar’s Social-Ecological Explanation of Resilience was modelled using latent variable modelling in Mplus 7.2, with data gathered with the Pathways to Resilience Youth Measure by 730 black South African school-going youth. The results established that South African youths adjusted well to challenges associated with poverty and violence because of resilience processes that were co-facilitated by social ecologies. It was, furthermore, concluded that school engagement was a functional outcome of the resilience processes among black South African youth. Manuscript 2 also provided evidence that an apposite, necessary, and respectful education contributed towards schooling as a meaningful resource. Manuscript 3 provided deeper insight into aspects of black South African youths’ resilience processes. Manuscript 3 investigated youths’ self-reported perceptions of resilience-promoting resources by means of data gathered by the Pathways to Resilience Youth Measure. Consequently, two distinct groups of youth from the same social ecology made vulnerable by poverty were compared (that is, functionally resilient youth, n = 221; and formal service-using youth, n = 186). Measurement invariance, latent mean differences in Mplus 7.2, and analyses of variance in SPSS 22.0 were employed. What emerged was that positive perceptions of caregiving (that is, physical and psychological) were crucial to youths’ use of formal resilience-promoting resources and subsequent functional outcomes. The conclusions resulted in implications for both caregivers and practitioners. / PhD (Educational Psychology) North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus 2015

Resilience is defined as doing well despite significant hardships. Based on four principles informing a social-ecological definition of resilience (that is, decentrality, complexity, a typicality, and cultural relativity), Ungar (2011, 2012) hypothesised an explanation of social-ecological resilience. Seen from this perspective, resilience involves active youthsocial-ecological transactions towards meaningful, resilience-promoting supports. Youths’ usage of these supports might differ due to, among others, specific lived experiences, contextual influences, and youths’ subjective perceptions. While Ungar’s explanation is both popular and plausible, it has not been quantitatively tested, also not in South Africa. Moreover, there is little quantitatively informed evidence about youths’ differential resource-use, particularly when youth share a context and culture, and how such knowledge might support social ecologies to facilitate resilience processes. The overall purpose of this study was, therefore, to investigate black South African youths’ resilience processes from a social-ecological perspective, using a sample of black South African youth. This purpose was operationalised as sub-aims (explained below) that addressed the aforementioned gaps in theory. Data to support this study were accessed via the Pathways to Resilience Research Project (see www.resilienceresearch.org), of which this study is part. The Pathways to Resilience Research Project investigates the social-ecological contributions to youths’ resilience across cultures. This study consists of three manuscripts. Using a systematic literature review, Manuscript 1 evaluated how well quantitative studies of South African youth resilience avoided the pitfalls made public in the international critiques of resilience studies. For the most part, quantitative studies of South African youth resilience did not mirror international developments of understanding resilience as a complex socio-ecologically facilitated process. The results identified aspects of quantitative studies of South African youth resilience that necessitated attention. In addition, the manuscript called for quantitative studies that would statistically explain the complex dynamic resilience-supporting transactions between South African youths and their contexts. Manuscript 2 answered the aforementioned call by grounding its research design in a theoretical framework that respected the sociocultural life-worlds of South African youth (that is, Ungar’s Social-Ecological Explanation of Resilience). Ungar’s Social-Ecological Explanation of Resilience was modelled using latent variable modelling in Mplus 7.2, with data gathered with the Pathways to Resilience Youth Measure by 730 black South African school-going youth. The results established that South African youths adjusted well to challenges associated with poverty and violence because of resilience processes that were co-facilitated by social ecologies. It was, furthermore, concluded that school engagement was a functional outcome of the resilience processes among black South African youth. Manuscript 2 also provided evidence that an apposite, necessary, and respectful education contributed towards schooling as a meaningful resource. Manuscript 3 provided deeper insight into aspects of black South African youths’ resilience processes. Manuscript 3 investigated youths’ self-reported perceptions of resilience-promoting resources by means of data gathered by the Pathways to Resilience Youth Measure. Consequently, two distinct groups of youth from the same social ecology made vulnerable by poverty were compared (that is, functionally resilient youth, n = 221; and formal service-using youth, n = 186). Measurement invariance, latent mean differences in Mplus 7.2, and analyses of variance in SPSS 22.0 were employed. What emerged was that positive perceptions of caregiving (that is, physical and psychological) were crucial to youths’ use of formal resilience-promoting resources and subsequent functional outcomes. The conclusions resulted in implications for both caregivers and practitioners. / PhD (Educational Psychology) North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus 2015

Environmental governance is a challenging topic in development contexts. On the one hand, the traditional development paradigm is based on economic growth through environmental exploitation; on the other, environmental degradation reduces vulnerable populations’ options for development. In the last thirty years numerous attempts to integrate environmental concerns in development policies have proved unsuccessful, raising questions as to whether the current governance system can address the challenge. The literature on environmental management has focused on identifying rules for successful governance, leaving little space to explore the complexities of the interactions between actors and their environments, wherein the reasons for sustained degradation might lie. The questions that this thesis asks are: How do diverse groups of actors rationalize and interact with degraded ecosystems? And what role does the governance system play in codifying these interactions? To answer these questions, the thesis engages in an institutional study of Lake Titicaca, between Peru and Bolivia. The lake has witnessed a degradation of its bay in the last thirty years, as a result of urban and mining development in the region. A complex web of organizations that go from the bi-national to the community level manages Lake Titicaca. The investigation of the questions asked is particularly relevant in the current context, as the countries to which the lake belongs put forward significantly different visions of the environment. By drawing on the strengths of social-ecological systems frameworks proposed by the two mains schools – the Resilience Alliance and Bloomington Workshop – and filling some of their deficiencies using insights from the sociological literatures on negotiation and justification, I hope to have created a composite framework with which to give an insightful account of the complexity and diversity at play in the field. The thesis adopts a broad range of qualitative methods (observation, interviews, document analysis) completed with descriptive statistics for budget analysis. The thesis argues that the actors’ approaches to the ecosystem are complex, diverse and constitutive of social-ecological systems wherein relationships are negotiated between actors, between actors and the ecosystem and ‘within’ actors as they hold competing visions and strategies. Some of the variables shaping these negotiations are crafted through the interaction between social and ecological elements, which also influence the actors’ understanding of the system. Others are determined by parameters crafted in the social sphere, and the ways in which social-ecological interactions fit with those. Policy interventions to improve the condition of Lake Titicaca need a more sophisticated understanding of these social-ecological systems.

For centuries the wellbeing of rural communities has depended on the health and resilience of local food systems. Over the last century many factors have contributed to declines in the availability and use of important traditional foods. In this thesis I have used black huckleberry (Vaccinium membranaceum) as a case study through which I explore the varying roles humans play in influencing the health of a wild forest food. Black huckleberry is one of the most sought after wild berries in British Columbia (BC). Over the past few decades huckleberry pickers and forest managers have expressed concerns over the decreasing quality and availability of these berries. To understand the different roles humans play in the ecology of black huckleberry I interviewed 17 long-time huckleberry pickers and participated in berry picking trips – in the East Kootenay region of southeastern BC. I also reviewed the academic literature on huckleberry ecology. I found that huckleberry pickers have a deep knowledge of factors affecting the health of huckleberry patches. They identify both shifting social-economic and ecological conditions in their local forests as intrinsically linked with declining huckleberry availability and health. In contrast, the scientific literature primarily focuses on ecological conditions and forest management practices, ignoring or downplaying the relationship of berry pickers to huckleberry ecology and overall quality. There are significant cultural differences between the berry pickers’ and the scientists’ views of the factors impacting the health of the berry patch. I argue that an effective approach to addressing the problem of declining quality and availability must include the valuable insights berry pickers have on how social-ecological factors affect berry health. / Graduate