The proposed study explores the experiences of nonnative speakers when they interact with native speakers in conflict situations. The aim of the study is to test if nonnative speakers experience stereotype threat when interacting with native speakers in conflict situations and, if so, to examine how stereotype threat affects their regulatory focus, conflict behaviors, and outcomes. A serial mediation model with three mediators (stereotype threat, regulatory focus, conflict behaviors) will be tested. This study contributes to the field of organizational psychology and conflict studies by 1) extending stereotype threat literature and examining nonnative speakers as a social identity group that experiences stereotype threat, 2) exploring the effects of stereotype threat in a conflict context, and 3) extending workforce diversity literature and examining language diversity in relation to conflict-related behaviors and outcomes in organizational settings. The findings from the proposed study offer insights into understanding the effects of language diversity on conflict dynamics within the increasingly globalized, multi-cultural world of organizations.

This study is based on interviews conducted with twenty-two musician-activists in the Pacific Northwest region of the United States in 2009 to explore perspectives about the role of music in community engagement with the aim of considering how music might be used in the field of conflict resolution. The study followed the qualitative approach of constructivist grounded theory as designed by Charmaz (2000, 2002). Two themes, "Music for Self," and "Music for Society" emerged from interviews and comprise the internal and external meanings of music to the research informants. The results of the study indicate that the relationships people have with music make it a potentially powerful tool in conflict situations within the realms of both conflict resolution and conflict transformation. More extensive research exploring these benefits is recommended.

This research seeks to answer the following questions: Do feminist organizations have more internal conflicts than other organizations? And, if so, why?

Abstract not available

¡@In view of the political economy of education, the purpose of this thesis is to study the educational thought of Martin Carnoy, who is a political economist and an educationist in the U.S. We are concerned with the relationship between education and capitalist state.¡@Central to this thesis is the state theory and discuss the functions and roles of education in different context, including colonial period, developing countries and advanced capitalist state. ¡@Since the spread of imperialism in colonial period, the colonial schooling is dominated by the colonizer and rationalizes the colonialism. The colonial schooling is therefore a liberating force to help the colonized against the colonizer. According to Lenin¡¦s imperialism, Carnoy explains the relation between colonial education and colonizer in the colonial period. ¡@In developing countries, both the conditioned capitalist state and transition state, the state bureaucracy makes national economic growth its first priority and so does the educational goal. People desire their children to learn more knowledge, however, to increase mass education rapidly. Based on educational dependency theory, Carnoy accounts for the roles of education in the Third World state. ¡@In advanced capitalist state, the state is a product and shaper of class struggle. Thus, the source of education change is pressed by economic reproductive and democratic dynamics. According to the last thought of Poulantzas, Carnoy constructs the ¡§social-conflict theory¡¨ to predict that economic development and social movements influence the education policies. ¡@It should be concluded, from Carnoy¡¦s educational thought, that the core of Carnoy¡¦s education work is the state theory. He criticizes the problems of capitalist education and approves the positive functions of schooling.

Thesis (MA)--University of Montana, 2009. / Contents viewed on November 30, 2009. Title from author supplied metadata. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Alberta, 2010. / Title from PDF file main screen (viewed on Feb. 8, 2010). A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, Department of Music, University of Alberta. Includes bibliographical references and discography.

Thesis (M.A.)--Université de Sherbrooke, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references.

Using the Sudan/Darfur Conflict as a case study, this work seeks to address how and why the human security paradigm is a challenge for the African Union in its effort to establish long-term peace and stability in Africa. The purpose of the study is to assess the extent to which the human security model provides a realistic option with regard to the AU’s efforts which are aimed at enhancing peace and security in Africa. The key issues to be appraised include the extent to which AU’s policy framework for intervention in crisis situations emphasizes the need to protect the most vulnerable population groups such as non-combatant women and children, IDPs, and refugees; the parameters of the AU’s intervention framework and how effective the organization has been in addressing human security issues in Darfur; the challenges faced by the regional military forces and key development stakeholders in carrying out initiatives that will alleviate human suffering and simultaneously create conditions conducive to conflict resolution and a long term peace building process in Darfur; and proffering new prospects of action to ensure human security in armed conflicts The emergence of deep ethnic conflicts, the rise of rebel groups, and new and ambitious security initiatives have made regional efforts at establishing peace more daunting than before. The AU has started putting human beings more and more at the centre of its management of peace and security issues, but it remains severely constrained by financial and logistical problems. As a result, its success has been dependent on foreign contributions, something its predecessor (Organization of African Unity) always fought against. This study highlights the fact that AU efforts to ensure peace in Africa continue to be constantly frustrated due to the failure of African leaders to address the root threats to human security. Their failure to do so has in fact worsened the human security situation on the continent. The paper focuses on challenges faced by the AU specifically in the Darfur region, and explores whether the AU can be an actor in the promotion of human security. The main argument here is that the AU’s ownership approach to peace and security in the African continent, which emphasizes that African problems need to be solved by Africans, is fundamentally correct. However, for this to be successful Africans need to stop asking for whatever they think they can get from the international community and focus on what they really need. This does not deny the importance of promoting a strong global political will to assist African peacekeeping efforts, especially in terms of logistics and finances. Rather, the challenge for the AU is to use donor support strategically and to continue to employ a conflict preventive approach, one which places great emphasis on the significance and need for African leaders to start addressing human security issues from their root causes –whether social, economic or political. With the collaborative efforts of nongovernmental organizations, subregional organizations and the civil society, the AU could establish ‘AU alert institutions’ which will aim at ensuring that minority groups have a political voice, thus not only reducing the chances of ethnically based conflicts but also ensuring that sustainable development projects are implemented by tackling the root causes of conflict. / Thesis (M. Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2009.

The Parisian Holy League, an insurgent movement in conflict with both royal government and the social elites, expounded, in spite of itself, a conservative, nobiliary social ideology. According to the pamphlets published by the League, the essence of nobility was virtue, and human society was organised in conformity with a divinely-ordained, hierarchical tripartite model. Nevertheless, in rejecting the racial ideas of certain noblemen, and in striving to apply the traditional nobiliary ideology, the Leaguers charged that ideology with a radical and anti-noble purport.