Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:19:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GuerraHernandez_HectorRolando_D.pdf: 22692622 bytes, checksum: 8e4246b21935840c62314f42cdd89ba7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O objectivo deste trabalho, foi o estudo de um grupo social formado essencialmente pelos antigos trabalhadores mozambiqueños na desaparecida República Democrática Alemã, conhecidos atualmente como "Magermane". Procurou-se estabelecer linhas de continuidade e ruptura entre o passado transnacional deste colectivo como migrantes trabalhistas e seu presente como grupo reivindicativo obliterado pelas esferas do poder, o qual leva 20 anos lutando por seu reconhecimento econômico e social em Moçambique. Este país africano, com uma história de ocupação colonial efetiva de não mais de 70 anos, depois de sua independência de Portugal em 1975, se transformou numa República independente, assumindo um projeto de desenvolvimento que a transformaria, entre 1977 e 1987, numa espécie de nova colônia dos países socialistas do chamado "Segundo Mundo", e posteriormente, com o fim da guerra fria e a queda do Muro de Berlim, tornar-se-ia numa depositaria dos novos postulados neoliberais. Estes antecedentes históricos são cruciais para o entendimento dos processos que intervieram na produção do Estado pós-colonial atual. Um processo que transparenta aquilo que constitui um dos fundamentos das "narrativas de injustiça" Magermane, e que consistem em denunciar uma realidade social que se sustenta e reproduz a partir da presença e persistência de um Estado contra sua sociedade, o qual recrear uma estrutura social conhecida, que situa na ponta de sua hierarquia uma elite empresarial patrimonialista. Uma estrutura que parece contemporizar com as percepções e representações de formas de dominação passadas, entendidas como superadas. Uma estrutura, finalmente, que se alimenta e reproduz de sua população, à qual persiste em tratar como súbditos / Abstract: The aim of this work, went the study of a social group formed essentially by the ancient Mozambican workers in the missing German Democratic Republic, known at present like "Magermane". It looked for establish lines of continuity and breaking-off between the transnational past of this community as labour migrants and his present as a obliterate vindicate group by the spheres of the power, which carries 20 years struggling by his economic and social recognition in Mozambique. This African country, with a history of effective colonial occupation of no more than 70 years, after his independence of Portugal in 1975, transformed in an independent Republic, assuming a project of development that would transform it, between 1977 and 1987, in a species of new colony of the socialist countries of the called "Second World", and later, with the end of the cold war and the fall of the Wall of Berlin, it would became in a depository of the new neoliberals postulates. These historical antecedents are crucial for the understanding of the processes that took part in the production of the current postcolonial State. A process that show what constitutes one of the foundations of the Magermane's "narratives of injustice", which consist in reporting a social reality that sustains and reproduces from the presence and persistence of a State against his society, which recreate a well-known social structure, that situates in the top of his hierarchy a patrimonialist business elite. A structure that seems to be accommodating toward to the perceptions and representations of old forms of domination, understood as surpassed. A structure, finally, that feeds and reproduces of his population, to which persists in treating like tributary subject / Doutorado / Antropologia / Doutor em Antropologia

Orientador: Lúcia da Costa Ferreira / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T14:48:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Viglio_JoseEduardo_D.pdf: 3320513 bytes, checksum: 9e5f45709fb0e031e5df15dd7a9059c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: As arenas de definição de riscos e impactos ambientais relacionadas a atividades e empreendimentos do setor de petróleo e gás constituem-se num recorte analítico relevante para o desenvolvimento de análises teóricas e empíricas sobre o papel da expertise técnica e científica nos conflitos sociais e nos processos decisórios relacionados às questões ambientais. Considerando que a expertise científica tem sido mobilizada como um recurso pelos diferentes atores e, ao mesmo é um agente dos diferentes interesses em disputa, descortina-se um leque extenso de possibilidades analíticas para as ciências sociais compreenderem o processo de definição e o enfrentamento das questões ambientais em arenas políticas envolvendo interesses e valores diferentes. É a partir deste enfoque, da arena ambiental e suas características, que esta tese de doutorado é desenvolvida. A tese busca analisar o processo de mobilização e uso de expertise técnica e científica, por diferentes atores sociais e institucionais, nas arenas de definição de riscos e impactos ambientais de um empreendimento da Petrobras no Litoral Norte de São Paulo. Trata-se, assim, de um recorte empírico que reúne um conjunto de condicionantes singulares para avaliação do papel da expertise técnica nos processos decisórios: uma região caracterizada por considerável politização e cientificização em torno das questões ambientais e um empreendedor que, além de suas credenciais políticas e econômicas, mobiliza uma ampla rede de expertise e se configura como um ator de peso na produção científica e tecnológica no país / Abstract: The arenas of environmental risk and impact related to activities and projects in the oil and gas industry sector, constitute an analytical approach to the development of theoretical and empirical studies on the role of scientific and technical expertise on social conflicts and decision-making process related to environmental issues. Considering that scientific expertise has been mobilized by different actors and, at the same time, it has been acting as an agent of different interests contest, an extensive range of analytical possibilities is opened up for the social sciences in order to understand the process of defining and coping with environmental issues in policy arenas which involve different interests and values. This thesis is developed from the perspective of the environmental arena and its characteristics. In this study we seek to analyze the process of mobilization and use of scientific and technical expertise by different social and institutional actors in arenas of environmental risks and impacts related to a project of Petrobras on the North Coast of São Paulo. Drawing on empirical research, this study focuses on a unique set of conditions to evaluate the role of expertise in decision-making: the specific characteristics of the North Coast of São Paulo, which is a region characterized by strong politicization and scientification around environmental issues, and an entrepreneur (Petrobras) who, beyond their political and economic credentials, has mobilized a wide network of expertise and has been configured as a key actor in scientific and technological production in Brazil / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

The global working environment has altered dramatically over the last decade, with the workforce now consisting of a diverse assortment of individuals. South Africa, in particular, has had to face major challenges as it adapts to the newly conceived "Rainbow Nation". It has also had to make amends for inequalities bred by the past discrimination and the segregation of Apartheid. Prior to this, businesses in general, were inward-looking in that they did not have to comply with or conform to the changing trends found in the international arena. Suddenly, issues such as Black Economic Empowerment, Affirmative Action, gender, age, faith and preferred sexual orientation have had to be accommodated as the new Employment Equity Act of 1998 was promulgated. Each individual coming into the workplace has his or her own cosmological, ontological and epistemological view, and although this facilitates a positive contribution by individuals with regard to varying ideas, skills, talents and expertise, more often than not, the reality is that the differences that exist within a staff complement often result in conflict. Furthermore, South Africa exhibits deep-rooted, social conflict as a result of the oppression of the apartheid years. Unemployment, poverty, poor education and service deliveries are far from being satisfactorily addressed. Therefore, it is assumed that unmet/frustrated basic human needs, as defined in Abraham Maslow‘s "Hierarchy of Needs", play a role in causing conflict both in the workplace and in society. It was felt that basic human needs, as articulated, had not been researched as a cause of workplace conflict and this research will explore the part that frustrated human needs may play in organisational conflict, alongside diversity conflicts.

Set against a backdrop of ongoing social conflict in the country, this study sets out to explore how South African journalists understand their roles and responsibilities when it comes to reporting on conflict. The study seeks to determine whether journalists believe they have a constructive contribution to make in the peaceful management and resolution of social conflict. It also seeks to establish whether journalists see themselves as being able to contribute to creating conditions that can facilitate dialogue and constructive engagement. Furthermore the study aims to explore the extent to which the views and perceptions of South African journalists could be said to be consistent with the ideas put forward in the emerging field of peace journalism. In seeking to address these questions the study begins by identifying a core set of guidelines that could be said to characteristic of peace journalism. It then draws on in-depth interviews conducted with 12 experienced reporters to gain a sense of how journalists understand their roles. The 12 reporters were drawn from mainstream newspapers from South Africa’s main metropolitan areas. Following an analysis of these interviews the study found that many journalists see themselves as having a positive contribution to make towards peacemaking and peace building. However, these contributions, they argue, must be seen as the product of good reporting rather than as emanating from deliberate attempts to intervene in conflict. The study then contrasted the journalists’ perceptions with the principles and normative guidelines proposed by peace journalism and found that many of the journalists’ beliefs are consistent with peace journalism. It appears that, while they may not directly call themselves peace journalists, many of the reporters interviewed saw themselves as playing roles similar to those advocated by peace journalism.

M.A. / Ethnic conflict, a reality throughout the world, demands strong action and firm control from the Military and Police Forces of affected societies. It is important that the Police, in any given society, should act impartially and objectively in the execution of their duties. Policing of ethnic groups in conflict should therefore take place without differentiating between population groups. This study investigates the attitudes of black policemen towards ethnic violence as related to (i) factors like ethnic identification, loyalty to the South African Police and their experience of violence and (ii) certain biographic factors namely mother tongue, age, academic qualifications, rank, division, area stationed, years of service, marital status, children, school going children, place of residence, acknowledgement of traditional tribal heads and period of participation in the study. In this study empirical research was conducted in which a questionnaire was completed by a sample of 298 black policemen. The questionnaire consisted of questions on the biographical background of black policemen as well as questions measuring their attitude towards ethnic violence, their ethnic identification, their loyalty to the South African Police and their experience of violence. To measure the above-mentioned factors, four scales were developed by means of factor analysis and item analysis. Ethnic identification, loyalty to the South African Police, experience of violence and attitude towards ethnic violence were further analysed in terms of the biographical background of policemen, making use of one-way analysis of variance and Scheffe's paired comparisons, Hotelling T2 and t tests and Pearsons correlation. It was found that black policemen who are South Sotho speaking identify stronger with their ethnic group than Zulu speaking policemen. It was further found that black policemen who joined the South African Police with service for their country as motive, who acknowledge traditional tribal heads and experienced verbal insult and intimidation in a high degree, have a strong identification with their ethnic group. With regard to loyalty to the South African Police, it was found that black policemen stationed in Soweto, are more loyal to the police than policemen stationed on the East Rand. It was also found that black policemen who joined the South African Police with service for their country as motive, and who are older, are more loyal to the police. Regarding black policemen's experience of violence, it was found that policemen who are stationed on the East Rand experienced more violence than black policemen stationed in Soweto. It was also found that black policemen who experience a high degree of verbal insult and intimidation, and those who participated in the study just after the election have experienced a high degree of violence. Regarding the intercorrelation between the different scales, it was found that the more black policemen identify with their ethnic group, the more they experience violence and the more they approve of ethnic violence. It was further found that black policemen who approve of ethnic violence, identify stronger with their ethnic group, are less loyal to the South African Police and experience violence to a higher degree.

D.Litt et. Phil. / Poverty and violence are among the most provocative social problems in the present South African context. This study attempts to contribute to our understanding of the complexity of violence in the context of poverty on a microlevel and to explore urban Anthropology as a field of knowledge. The phenomena in question were elucidated conceptually with reference to the literature on poverty and violence. The multilevel manifestation of poverty supplied the context within which the nature, forms and manifestations of violence could be analyzed in its various contexts and in various social categories. To understand violence as a social phenomenon various theoretical perspectives have been discussed. Patriarchy, social learning, resource, exchange, sociobiological and social conflict theories, culture, norms and the ,context were explored as possible instruments of explanation. Both quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection were used. All the Standard 7 pupils (N=76) of the local school completed an open as well as a self-concept questionnaire, while 38% of the heads of households (N=235) completed questionnaires. Ethnographic data were collected by making use of participant observation, reports, diaries and essays, as well as interviews and case studies. Sixteen children and three adults in turn kept diaries and wrote reports during the research period of three and a half years. Research was undertaken in Davidsonville, a so-called Coloured township on the West Rand. The insufficient infrastructure, educational and employment opportunities, as well as social prOblems such as alcoholism and unemployment, were mainly products of structural violence and causes of everyday violence and poverty: Domestic and non-domestic violence in terms of their physical and psychic manifestations, were described, analyzed and contextualized ethnographically in the light of poverty and Coloured status in the South African context. Violence, as a process in the social relations of individuals and groups, manifests on various levels, viz. among men and women, adults and children, gangs and members of various "ethnic groups" as well as in various situations (the stokvel, school, public places, and the home). Violence is a universal human characteristic, but the context of poverty exposes man to the chronic experience of violence which causes psychological scars. Poverty is violence, and the fewer the resources available to an individual, the fiercer the competition and the more brutal the face of violence will be.

Orientador: Márcio Bilharinho Naves / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T10:20:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_RafaelAfonsoda_D.pdf: 1588638 bytes, checksum: 13a9b8c716d4ed4650ae5a9540e9bfcd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem como objeto a reflexão de Marx sobre o tema do colonialismo conduzido por países capitalistas ou, mais concretamente, pelo país capitalista que dominava o maior império colonial à época, a Inglaterra. De modo ainda mais específico, a pesquisa concentra-se nos escritos de Marx sobre a Irlanda. Esses escritos são examinados contra o pano de fundo de um conjunto mais amplo de escritos de Marx em torno do impacto do colonialismo britânico, expondo as contínuas reavaliações e revisões empreendidas no bojo de sua reflexão sobre esse tema ao longo das décadas de 1850 e 1860. Os escritos sobre a Irlanda de 1867-1870 podem ser considerados como a culminação dessa reflexão. Com efeito, a análise desses escritos revela uma armação teórica complexa, em que o colonialismo é conceituado como um processo social que se configura a partir de múltiplas determinações e cujas implicações podem estender-se a diferentes instâncias da vida social, política, econômica e cultural da sociedade colonizada, afetando múltiplos processos, instituições e estruturas sociais, os quais, por sua vez, condicionam a dialética da própria relação colonial em seu desenvolvimento contraditório. Essa complexidade é ainda ampliada pela análise dos efeitos (igualmente multivariados) do processo colonial no país colonizador. A tese enfatiza o caráter multilateral da análise de Marx, que envolve a discussão de aspectos tais como a relação entre colonialismo e transição para o capitalismo, entre colonialismo e desenvolvimento, entre colonialismo e metabolismo "socioecológico", entre colonialismo, nacionalismo, racismo e luta de classes / Abstract: The subject of the present research is the Marxian reflexion on the issue of colonialism, as practised by capitalist countries or more concretely by the capitalist country which ruled the main colonial empire of the time - England. More specifically, the research focuses Marx's writings on Ireland. These writings are examined against the background provided by a wider sample of Marx's analyses of the impact of British colonialism, thereby shedding light on the continuous revisions undertaken throughout the decades of 1850 and 1860. The writings on Ireland from 1867-1870 could be seen as the culmination of Marx's reflexions. In effect, the analysis of these texts discloses a complex theoretical framework in which the colonialism is conceptualized as a multiply determined social process, whose implications may extend themselves to different domains of social, political, economic and cultural life of the colonized society, affecting multiple processes, institutions and social structures which, on their turn, conditionate the dialectics of the colonial relation in its own contradictory development. This complexity is additionally expanded by means of the analysis of the effects (equally multifarious) of the colonial process in the colonial power. The thesis enfasizes the multilateral character of Marx's analysis, which involves the discussion of aspects such as the relation between colonialism and transition to capitalism, between colonialism and development, between colonialism and socio-ecological metabolism, between colonialism, nacionalism, racism and class struggles / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia

This qualitative study focuses on perceptions of actors within protracted social conflicts and the value of using self-categorization as a tool to increase understanding of conflict actors as a step towards to finding alternative solutions. It compares self-perceptions of the Hilltop Youth, a radical settler group in the West Bank region in the Middle East, to categorizations used in all of the established literature on the group. Five categories that are recurring in the literature on the Hilltop Youth (terrorists, vigilantes, active flank within a social movement, gang, and activist) are contrasted with Self-Categorization theory and will be used as a tool to determine the self-image of the group as displayed in the digital and social media. The findings show that the category that finds common ground between the two perspectives is activists. The Hilltop Youth view themselves as freedom fighters, doing what they are chosen to do: settle the land, already promised to them.  Their actions and beliefs translate to political activism this both including building homes and creating outposts as well as conducting “price tag” attacks. The findings underline the difference in perceived realities between the Hilltop Youth and researchers. Concluding the need to incorporate the perspective of the actor itself in order to create a sustainable peace based on the same reality, something that have been overlooked in previous Hilltop Youth research.

Between 2014 and 2016, West Africa was struck by the largest ever Ebola epidemic. In Sierra Leone, the outbreak occurred only about a decade after the end of an eleven-year long civil war, which left the country with little capacity to contain the virus. While many have investigated the crisis that the Ebola outbreak caused West African countries, few have turned their attention directly towards the response to it. Following that line of thought, this case study explores how the Ebola response carried out by local, national and international actors played into conflict dynamics in the aftermath of the Sierra Le-onean civil war. By applying the theoretical perspectives of ‘the fortified aid compound’ and ‘dependent agency’, I argue that the response embodied a militarised approach and that it was insensitive towards local customs, which showed in shifting acts of compliance and resistance by beneficiaries. Lastly, by applying the theory of ‘protracted social con-flict’, I argue that conflict dynamics from the civil war were amplified by the Ebola re-sponse to some extent. The study concludes that future responses to epidemics, particu-larly in conflict affected settings, should consider potential negative effects connected to response structures and measures to a greater extent.

Leaders are often wounded in practice, most often psychologically. My dissertation is a qualitative three-part interview study that explored how six superintendents describe and understand a wounding experience—defined as a serious conflict, dilemma, or critical event in leadership practice that has a profound impact on the person. This study was built on Maslin-Ostrowski and Ackerman’s (1998, 2000a, 2000b) and Ackerman and Maslin-Ostrowski’s (2001, 2002a) series of research studies. It addressed a gap in educational research by providing insights needed to better understand how six superintendents described, processed, and made meaning of their wounding experience. Additionally, I explored how they learned, healed, or recovered. Two professors with expertise in educational leadership and practice recommended superintendents who self-identify as having been wounded. I purposefully selected participants located in the eastern United States and conducted three in-depth interviews. All six participants described and understood their wounding crisis as follows—it: (a) originated from doing what they referred to as the right thing for students (and other stakeholders); (b) was a “rub” against their “core values”; and (c) was a “blindsiding experience,” which they did not anticipate. All participants (6/6) stated that they believed that wounding happens to most educational leaders and that being wounded felt inevitable when standing by tough leadership decisions that impacted stakeholders. In addition, all participants (6/6) told me that they had rarely—if ever—discussed their wounding experience. I concluded that these superintendents, who expressed that they cared deeply for their students and communities (i.e., their moral purpose), experienced hurtful wounding crises that they framed predominantly as adaptive challenges in which their values were threatened or compromised, and for these participants, the wounding crises were emotional experiences that were—for the most part—often left undiscussed. These findings imply that spaces are needed where wounded leaders can tell their stories in confidence. I recommend creating forums for voicing, processing, responding to, and learning from wounding crises where leaders can express their emotions to determine avenues for recovery and healing. Supports may include social-emotional development, reflective practices, collegial inquiry, mentoring, and coaching.