This qualitative study focuses on perceptions of actors within protracted social conflicts and the value of using self-categorization as a tool to increase understanding of conflict actors as a step towards to finding alternative solutions. It compares self-perceptions of the Hilltop Youth, a radical settler group in the West Bank region in the Middle East, to categorizations used in all of the established literature on the group. Five categories that are recurring in the literature on the Hilltop Youth (terrorists, vigilantes, active flank within a social movement, gang, and activist) are contrasted with Self-Categorization theory and will be used as a tool to determine the self-image of the group as displayed in the digital and social media. The findings show that the category that finds common ground between the two perspectives is activists. The Hilltop Youth view themselves as freedom fighters, doing what they are chosen to do: settle the land, already promised to them.  Their actions and beliefs translate to political activism this both including building homes and creating outposts as well as conducting “price tag” attacks. The findings underline the difference in perceived realities between the Hilltop Youth and researchers. Concluding the need to incorporate the perspective of the actor itself in order to create a sustainable peace based on the same reality, something that have been overlooked in previous Hilltop Youth research.

Between 2014 and 2016, West Africa was struck by the largest ever Ebola epidemic. In Sierra Leone, the outbreak occurred only about a decade after the end of an eleven-year long civil war, which left the country with little capacity to contain the virus. While many have investigated the crisis that the Ebola outbreak caused West African countries, few have turned their attention directly towards the response to it. Following that line of thought, this case study explores how the Ebola response carried out by local, national and international actors played into conflict dynamics in the aftermath of the Sierra Le-onean civil war. By applying the theoretical perspectives of ‘the fortified aid compound’ and ‘dependent agency’, I argue that the response embodied a militarised approach and that it was insensitive towards local customs, which showed in shifting acts of compliance and resistance by beneficiaries. Lastly, by applying the theory of ‘protracted social con-flict’, I argue that conflict dynamics from the civil war were amplified by the Ebola re-sponse to some extent. The study concludes that future responses to epidemics, particu-larly in conflict affected settings, should consider potential negative effects connected to response structures and measures to a greater extent.

<p>The aim of this paper is to examine if the two latest Peace Plans in the Palestine-Israeli con-flict observes the sources of the conflict and presents measures in the purpose of solving them. The point of departure is William Azar’s theory of protracted social conflict (PSC). According to Azar, the internal sources of a PSC lies in three clusters of variables: the com-munal content of a society, the deprivation of human needs as an underlying source of PSC, and the role of the state in the deprivation or satisfaction of human needs. The study is de-signed as a multiple-case study where the units of analysis are the Roadmap to Peace and the Geneva Initiative. An analyze instrument, based on operationalization of Azar’s three clusters of internal sources of a PSC, is developed and used to analyze the Roadmap to peace and the Geneva Initiative. The conclusions are that the two Peace Plans observes and present meas-ures to solve the communal content of the conflict, but both Peace Plans are unsatisfactory in presenting measures aiming to solve problems related to the role of the state and human needs. Especially the acceptance need within the state is missing in the contents of the Peace Plans.</p>

1 Abstract This diploma thesis' aim was to find out what are the security measures countering radicalization and extremism in Bosnia-Herzegovina and whether there is any room for improvement. Firstly, the thesis analysed several official documents related to the security of Bosnia-Herzegovina and the relevant reports of the international community, in order to review the concrete security measures and compared them with security measures, which are in effect in other European countries. This allowed the author to draw specific security recommendation for Bosnia-Herzegovina based on the best-practices from abroad. Secondly, this thesis provides the opinions of three experts on Bosnia-Herzegovina and its internal situation. The experts assessed the security situation in the country, identified the areas of security which shall be enhanced and proposed concrete measures, which could elevate the security situation in the country. This thesis's main assumption was that the security measures currently in effect are insufficient and that there is much room for improvement. The analysis of the documents showed that there are many specific security measures, in terms of fighting radicalisation of youth, online radicalisation or religious extremism, which are used abroad, that could be implemented to...

The aim of this paper is to examine if the two latest Peace Plans in the Palestine-Israeli con-flict observes the sources of the conflict and presents measures in the purpose of solving them. The point of departure is William Azar’s theory of protracted social conflict (PSC). According to Azar, the internal sources of a PSC lies in three clusters of variables: the com-munal content of a society, the deprivation of human needs as an underlying source of PSC, and the role of the state in the deprivation or satisfaction of human needs. The study is de-signed as a multiple-case study where the units of analysis are the Roadmap to Peace and the Geneva Initiative. An analyze instrument, based on operationalization of Azar’s three clusters of internal sources of a PSC, is developed and used to analyze the Roadmap to peace and the Geneva Initiative. The conclusions are that the two Peace Plans observes and present meas-ures to solve the communal content of the conflict, but both Peace Plans are unsatisfactory in presenting measures aiming to solve problems related to the role of the state and human needs. Especially the acceptance need within the state is missing in the contents of the Peace Plans.