As primeiras três décadas republicanas não foram alvo de estudos da historiografia tradicional do Amazonas, apesar de terem sido marcadas por intensos confrontos políticos e sociais permeados pela crise da economia da borracha. Os relatos existentes veicularam a ideia de que o Estado do Amazonas era mergulhado nas águas da opulência e da passividade. Contudo, a pesquisa documental que subsidia esta tese demostrou que em Manaus a passividade inexistia; o período se caracterizou por lutas pelo poder, diversos conflitos urbanos, greves de empregados e funcionários, agitações e protestos de seringueiros e indígenas. Assim, para compreender tal complexidade, a tese analisa o processo político-social e econômico do Amazonas no período de 1910 a 1924, recorrendo a Jornais, Relatórios de secretários de Estado e de chefes de polícia, Mensagens de governadores, Relatos médicos, Documentos parlamentares, Coleção de leis do Brasil, publicações de testemunhos contemporâneos e Anais da Assembleia. / The three first republican decades were not an Amazonas traditional historiography study object, in spite of having been marked by intense political and social confrontation, which were permeated by the crisis in the rubber economy. The existent reports conveyed the idea that the Amazonas state was sailing the waters of opulence and passivity. Nevertheless, the documental research which subsidizes such thesis has demonstrated that in Manaus the passivity did not exist; the term was characterized by power struggles, many urban conflicts, employers strikes, upheavals and protests made by rubber tappers and natives. Thus, in order to understand such complexity, the thesis analyzes the Amazonas economic and politico-social process in the 1910 to 1924 period, reaching for journals, reports made by State secretaries and chiefs of police, governors messages, medical reports, parliamentary documents, Brazilian Law collection, contemporary testimonies publications and Assembly Annals.

Nesta tese, analisamos o processo de formação da propriedade capitalista no estado do Amazonas. Para tanto, buscamos responder aos seguintes questionamentos: como estão distribuídas as terras no Estado? Como tem se constituído histórica e juridicamente a propriedade? Quais os mecanismos utilizados na apropriação privada da terra? Quais os sujeitos que rivalizam e de qual maneira ocorrem as disputas pela posse do território? A pesquisa partiu de trabalhos de campo e de levantamentos documentais, buscando garantir um compromisso com a realidade, tendo em vista que optamos pelo método materialista e seguimos com análise fundamentada em conceitos e teorias. Verificamos que a apropriação privada da terra surgiu da disputa territorial ainda nos primórdios da colonização europeia da região, caracterizada pelo genocídio de povos indígenas, e se prolongou até a década de 1980, com essa mesma característica. A apropriação privada da terra é também predominantemente realizada fora dos limites legais e não tem por prioridade a ocupação ou produção capitalista. A grilagem e o rentismo estão entre as principais características dos grandes imóveis. Outra característica é justamente a alta concentração fundiária. Essa conjuntura tem gerado importantes conflitos agrários envolvendo grileiros de terras e empresários capitalista, de um lado, e camponeses posseiros e povos indígenas, do outro, redundando em um quadro crônico de violência. / In this thesis, we analyze the process of formation of capitalist property in the State of Amazonas. For this purpose, we seek to answer the following questions: how are the lands distributed in the State? How has the property been historically and legally constituted? What are the mechanisms used in private ownership of land? What are the subjects who compete and in what way do the disputes for the possession of the territory occur? The research was based on fieldwork and documentary surveys, seeking to guarantee a commitment to reality, considering that we opted for the materialistic method, and followed with an analysis based on concepts and theories. We verified that the private appropriation of land emerged from the territorial dispute still in the early days of European colonization of the region, characterized by the genocide of indigenous peoples, and lasted until the 1980s, with the same characteristic. The private appropriation of land is also predominantly made outside the legal limits, and capitalist occupation or production is not a priority. Public land fraud and rentism are among the main characteristics of large properties. Another characteristic is precisely the high concentration of land. This situation has generated important agrarian conflicts involving land grabbers and capitalist entrepreneurs, on the one hand, and squatter peasants and indigenous peoples, on the other, resulting in a chronic situation of violence.

The current study examined the process by which adolescents choose who to dislike in a sample of Finnish 10th graders. Information was available for the adolescents on their victimization, bullying behavior, problem behavior, school burnout, school grades, and their depressive symptoms. The initial analysis consisted of assessing which characteristics made individuals more likely to dislike someone, after taking into account the characteristics of the individual being nominated. This analysis found that individuals form antipathy for dissimilar others. This process is hypothesized to be a result of mechanisms of threat. The secondary analysis compared the characteristics of unilateral and mutual antipathies. This analysis found that mutual antipathies are characterized by elevated differences between individuals on victimization. These results identify and describe important aspects of the adolescent peer environment. / by Christopher A. Hafen. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

As mudanças ocorridas na década de 1990 no mundo trabalhista com a aplicação de Políticas Neoliberais no Brasil culminaram na desregulamentação da legislação do trabalho, influenciando a organização dos trabalhadores. A implementação de medidas que flexibilizam a legislação trabalhista cria novas táticas para a formação de um consentimento operário com a finalidade de garantir a flexibilização das relações trabalhistas e um crescimento da produtividade capitalista, com ganhos adicionais pela alteração das relações de trabalho. Este estudo tem como principal objetivo analisar como se estabelecem as relações entre as mudanças e o impacto e a apropriação que o Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São José dos Campos e Região tem das mesmas, nos últimos anos no Brasil. A pesquisa enfatizará a nova configuração da condição operária que transformou a forma tradicional de negociação salarial dos trabalhadores, modificando as reivindicações sindicais, a forma de participação operária nas empresas e etc.. As mudanças emergem acompanhadas de um processo de reestruturação produtiva visando o aumento da produtividade e seguindo a tendência mundial de perda coletiva de direitos, mas sua aplicação não se estabelece de maneira passiva; ela engendra novos códigos e táticas de negociação coletiva, além de diversas estratégias de resistência por parte dos trabalhadores. O Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São José dos Campos e Região como campo específico para a realização da pesquisa se justifica por se tratar este de um dos sindicatos pioneiros na resistência à aplicação das medidas que flexibilizam a legislação do trabalho no Brasil, além de localizar-se num dos pólos industriais e tecnológicos mais importantes do país. Por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os dirigentes sindicais o estudo procura compreender como ocorreu o processo de flexibilização das leis trabalhistas, as estratégias para a construção e conformação do consentimento operário por parte dos empresários e as resistências que o sindicato realiza diante do avanço patronal. / The changes occurred in the 1990s in the labor world with the application of Neo-liberal Policies in Brazil led to the deregulation of labor laws, affecting the organization of workers. The implementation of measures that make labor legislation more flexible creates new tactics for the formation of a workers\' agreement in order to ensure the flexibility of labor relations and growth in capitalism productivity, with further gains by the change in labor relations. This study has as main objective to analyze how relationships are established within changes and the impact and the appropriation of Metalworkers Union of São José dos Campos and the surrounding region in the last years in Brazil. The research will highlight the new setting of labor conditions that have changed the traditional way of negotiating wages, modifying the union demands, the way workers participate in companies, etc. The changes emerge accompanied by a productive restructuring process aimed at increasing the productivity and following the global trend of collective loss of rights, but its application is not established in a passive way, it engenders new codes and tactics of collective negotiation, and several resistance strategies by workers. The Metalworkers Union of São José dos Campos and Region as a specific field for the making of this research is justified because it is one of the pioneers in the trade union resistance to implementing the measures that made labor legislation more flexible in Brazil, besides being located in one of the most important industrial and technological areas of the country. Through semi-structured interviews with union leaders the study seeks to understand how was the process of making the labor laws more flexible, the strategies to build and shape the workers consent on the part of entrepreneurs and the resistance that the union hold against the employer\'s advance.

As mudanças ocorridas na década de 1990 no mundo trabalhista com a aplicação de Políticas Neoliberais no Brasil culminaram na desregulamentação da legislação do trabalho, influenciando a organização dos trabalhadores. A implementação de medidas que flexibilizam a legislação trabalhista cria novas táticas para a formação de um consentimento operário com a finalidade de garantir a flexibilização das relações trabalhistas e um crescimento da produtividade capitalista, com ganhos adicionais pela alteração das relações de trabalho. Este estudo tem como principal objetivo analisar como se estabelecem as relações entre as mudanças e o impacto e a apropriação que o Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São José dos Campos e Região tem das mesmas, nos últimos anos no Brasil. A pesquisa enfatizará a nova configuração da condição operária que transformou a forma tradicional de negociação salarial dos trabalhadores, modificando as reivindicações sindicais, a forma de participação operária nas empresas e etc.. As mudanças emergem acompanhadas de um processo de reestruturação produtiva visando o aumento da produtividade e seguindo a tendência mundial de perda coletiva de direitos, mas sua aplicação não se estabelece de maneira passiva; ela engendra novos códigos e táticas de negociação coletiva, além de diversas estratégias de resistência por parte dos trabalhadores. O Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São José dos Campos e Região como campo específico para a realização da pesquisa se justifica por se tratar este de um dos sindicatos pioneiros na resistência à aplicação das medidas que flexibilizam a legislação do trabalho no Brasil, além de localizar-se num dos pólos industriais e tecnológicos mais importantes do país. Por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os dirigentes sindicais o estudo procura compreender como ocorreu o processo de flexibilização das leis trabalhistas, as estratégias para a construção e conformação do consentimento operário por parte dos empresários e as resistências que o sindicato realiza diante do avanço patronal. / The changes occurred in the 1990s in the labor world with the application of Neo-liberal Policies in Brazil led to the deregulation of labor laws, affecting the organization of workers. The implementation of measures that make labor legislation more flexible creates new tactics for the formation of a workers\' agreement in order to ensure the flexibility of labor relations and growth in capitalism productivity, with further gains by the change in labor relations. This study has as main objective to analyze how relationships are established within changes and the impact and the appropriation of Metalworkers Union of São José dos Campos and the surrounding region in the last years in Brazil. The research will highlight the new setting of labor conditions that have changed the traditional way of negotiating wages, modifying the union demands, the way workers participate in companies, etc. The changes emerge accompanied by a productive restructuring process aimed at increasing the productivity and following the global trend of collective loss of rights, but its application is not established in a passive way, it engenders new codes and tactics of collective negotiation, and several resistance strategies by workers. The Metalworkers Union of São José dos Campos and Region as a specific field for the making of this research is justified because it is one of the pioneers in the trade union resistance to implementing the measures that made labor legislation more flexible in Brazil, besides being located in one of the most important industrial and technological areas of the country. Through semi-structured interviews with union leaders the study seeks to understand how was the process of making the labor laws more flexible, the strategies to build and shape the workers consent on the part of entrepreneurs and the resistance that the union hold against the employer\'s advance.

Os objetos desta tese são os conflitos internos num assentamento de reforma agrária cuja luta foi organizada pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) e a relação entre a trajetória de ex-moradores de rua da cidade de São Paulo e este movimento de luta pela terra. Foram tratadas duas hipóteses: primeira, a ida para o campo pode ser uma alternativa não-capitalista para o problema social dos moradores de rua; e, segunda, os assentados encontram formas de gerir de maneira pública os conflitos sociais referentes à vida em comum no assentamento. A investigação decorrente destas hipóteses propiciou compreender como se constitui a alternativa e quais são as limitações da gestão do assentamento. Ao longo da tese, comprova-se que o trabalho do MST de conquistar um assentamento possibilita que os moradores de rua criem ondições de vida e de produção que lhes dão indepedência em relação ao mercado de trabalho assalariado. Porém, verifica-se que para a realização de uma alternativa na área da economia solidária é preciso que os moradores de rua cheguem ao assentamento com maior força como grupo, que tenham alguma organização inicial e que estejam ligados a redes. Quanto à segunda hipótese, constata-se que os assentados tanto buscam formas judiciais quanto não-judiciais de gestão dos conflitos internos e que há o potencial de uma gestão pública do assentamento com relativa autonomia em relação ao Estado. No entanto, entre aos moradores o aprendizado de formas democráticas de gestão de conflito ainda é incipiente. Demonstra-se como os conflitos internos configuram o território, mapeando as redes de alianças e ataques entre os assentados. Neste sentido, contribui-se para os estudos geográficos sobre a fração de território camponês acrescentando a noção de redes como componente central da dinâmica da disputa de poder no assentamento. Problematiza-se a questão do ethos camponês como elemento de aptidão para a permanência como assentado. Mostra-se que o ethos é objeto de disputa entre os assentados, que reivindicam entre si maior legitimidade como camponês. / This dissertation has two subjects. First, the social conflicts inside an agrarian reform settlement. Second, the relationship between the personal trajectory of the homeless people living in São Paulo city and the Rural Workers Landless Movement (MST). There are two hypotheses: the Landless Movement (MST) can be a non-capitalistic alternative to homeless people and there is a possibility of creating a public sphere to manage the social conflicts related to settlement organization. The investigation showed how that alternative can be built and what the limits to public management of the settlement are. The conquest of a piece of land by MST work gives the opportunities to the homeless to create ways of living and of production, instead of waiting for a job. But, the homeless people need to be organized and connected to a network to have the opportunity of building a kind of “solidarity economy", in a socialistic term. Related to the second hypothesis, it was observed that there are judicial and non-judicial forms of conflict management. There is the potential for a public sphere to manage the social conflicts autonomously in relation to the state. Anyway, among the settlers, the learning of how to deal with social conflicts in a democratic way is a process in its first steps. The dissertation shows that the settlement as territory is shaped by social conflicts, by mapping alliances and attacks between the settlers. One theoretical contribution of this dissertation is the use of the notion of network as a complementary form for the territory concept. The dissertation demonstrates that the peasant ethos is a subject of dispute between the settlers. Who use this to legitimate their position as peasant or to not legitimate the position of the others, like the ones who came from the streets.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VICENTE CLAUDIO JANNARELLI.pdf: 532783 bytes, checksum: 3414753206a18426d4a22c420bc3427b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-02 / The agonistic feature of relity in the Machiavelli s political reflections reveals an intense contrast im relation to the reality identified in the Marcuse s one-dimensional society . If, on one hand, Machiavelli understands the social conflict as being the own cement for the political system stability; Herbert Marcusse, on the other hand, describes, specially in One-Dimensional Man , a kind of society in which happens the weakening and even the disappearance of all radical critique, of all conflict and, as consequence, occurs the integration of all potential opposition in the established system. To present, for reflection, elements resulting from this intense contrast between the Machiavelli s thought on the social conflict and the Marcuse s critical analysis which identifies the disappearance of conflict in the advanced industrial society is the core objective of this present dissertation / O aspecto agonístico da realidade presente na reflexão política de Maquiavel contrasta intensamente com a realidade das Sociedades Unidimensionais identificadas por Herbert Marcuse. Se, por um lado, Maquiavel vê no conflito social o próprio cimento responsável direto pela estabilidade do sistema político; Herbert Marcuse, por outro, identifica em sua obra, especialmente em A Ideologia da Sociedade Industrial Avançada , uma sociedade na qual ocorre o enfraquecimento e mesmo o desaparecimento de toda crítica, de todo conflito, e a conseqüente integração de toda a oposição no sistema estabelecido. Apresentar, para reflexão, elementos decorrentes do contraste entre o pensamento de Maquiavel em relação ao conflito social e a análise crítica de Marcuse, que identifica a tendência ao desaparecimento desse conflito nas sociedades industriais avançadas, é o principal objetivo da presente dissertação

A presente pesquisa partiu de uma compreensão sociológica da crise da modernidade para refletir acerca da constituição do grupo social denominado pessoas em situação de rua na tessitura da dinâmica urbana e seus desafios para vencer essa situação de vulnerabilidade extrema. Tendo como referência o município de São Carlos/SP, caracterizamos o perfil do grupo, debruçando-nos sobre os fatores limitantes relacionados às formas de acesso e uso da água doce. Valorizamos a experiência de sofrimento social na interação precária com o território da cidade como constituinte de um conhecimento empírico relevante, o qual pode, eventualmente, subsidiar a formulação e implementação de políticas urbanas socialmente includentes. / This research started from a sociological understanding of the crisis of modernity to reflect on the constitution of a homeless social group on the organization of urban dynamics and its challenges to overcome this situation of extremely vulnerable situation. Considering Sao Carlos as reference group profile was characterized and limiting factor related to freshwater access and use were adressed. Social suffering experience was taken into account on the poor interaction the town territory as a relevant empirical knowledge, which could eventually assist the formulate and implement socially inclusive urban policies.

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BACKGROUND: There have been prevailing gender differences in negative mental health outcomes for U.S. female service members (FSMs) returning from combat deployments with rates of depression and post-traumatic stress nearly twice that of their male peers. AIM: The aim of this research study was to examine the extent to which the absence or presence of social support, social conflict, and stressful life events either facilitated or hindered optimal mental health during the post-deployment period and shaped FSMs’ mental health in the context of the post-deployment experience. RESEARCH QUESTIONS: What was the nature of the relationship between social support, social conflict, and stressful life events and mental health symptoms (PTSD, depression, anxiety, and alcohol abuse) in FSMs after deployment to Iraq? And was the degree of social support or the degree of social conflict more highly associated with negative mental health symptoms (greater PTSD symptoms, greater depression symptoms, greater anxiety symptoms, and greater alcohol abuse symptoms) in FSMs after deployment to Iraq? THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: The theoretical framework for this study was derived from Vaux’s theory of social support (Vaux, 1988) and from a model developed by Berkman and Glass (2000) that hypothesized how social support and social networks have direct effects on an individual’s physical, mental, and social health. These two frameworks were viewed from a feminist standpoint perspective. METHODS: This descriptive, correlational, cross-sectional design used a convenience sample of 150 active duty FSMs who were 6-12 months post-deployment from Iraq and stationed at Fort Campbell, Kentucky. FINDINGS: During preliminary exploratory data analyses and statistical assumption testing, significant between group differences were found between the officer and enlisted FSMs on four variables: annual household income, stressful life events, education, and prior exposure to violence (physical assault, sexual assault, or domestic violence). Additionally, significant differences emerged in bivariate correlations between the predictor and outcome variables when the 13 officer FSMs were separated out from the original sample during statistical analyses. These findings suggested these were two distinct populations; therefore, the sample was divided into two groups based on rank. For the officer FSMs, there were no significant bivariate correlations between social support, social conflict, or post-deployment stressful life events and any of the mental health outcomes although a one-tailed analysis was conducted due to low sample size (n = 13). In contrast, the two-tailed analysis of the enlisted FSMs (n = 137) showed significant positive bivariate correlations (p < .01) between social conflict and stressful life events and the outcome variables depression, PTSD, and anxiety symptom severity. Furthermore, the analysis demonstrated a significant inverse correlation between social support and the outcome variables depression, PTSD, and anxiety symptom severity. Hierarchical linear regression of the enlisted FSM group showed that depression symptom severity was best explained by the presence of comorbid PTSD symptoms and the absence of social support. The presence of social conflict was excluded in the final model, and stressful life events were not found to be significant in explaining depression symptom severity. Overall, comorbid PTSD symptom severity and the absence of social support accounted for 71% of the variance in depression symptom severity in this group of enlisted FSMs. In contrast, greater PTSD symptom severity in the post-deployment period was best explained by greater comorbid depression symptom severity, the presence of social conflict, and greater stressful life events. The absence of social support did not significantly contribute to the model for PTSD symptom severity. Comorbid depression symptom severity, stressful life events, and the presence of social conflict, which were entered in three steps, accounted for 74% of the variance in PTSD symptom severity reported by this group of enlisted FSMs. And finally, greater anxiety symptom severity was best explained by greater comorbid depression symptom severity, the presence of social conflict, and the absence of social support. The presence of social conflict had a stronger relationship with anxiety symptom severity than the absence of social support in the final model. In addition, the presence of more stressful life events did not significantly contribute to the overall variance in anxiety symptom severity. Comorbid depression symptom severity, the absence of social support, and the presence of social conflict accounted for 68% of the variance in anxiety symptoms reported by this group of enlisted FSMs. The implications and recommendations based on these findings span strategic planning for the military, nursing practice, and future research. / text