Orientador: Jesus José Ranieri / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:09:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almeida_JaneBarros_D.pdf: 5705010 bytes, checksum: af659b08f920224fab05b5d198719227 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta tese realizou uma análise, a partir da relação entre educação e luta de classes, tendo como objeto de estudos a experiência da Educação na Comuna de Paris de 1871. Esta curta experiência foi capaz de revelar a contribuição da educação no processo de construção de uma consciência de classe dos trabalhadores, mediante os debates e disputas políticas em prol de melhores condições de vida e direitos, travados no período anterior à Comuna, a antessala, quando a educação assumiu papel central ao canalizar os elementos de descontentamento e denúncia do projeto aplicado pelo Império de Napoleão III, ao mesmo tempo em que revelou elementos de um novo projeto de sociedade. A experiência da educação na Comuna de Paris foi capaz de apontar rupturas com o projeto de educação republicano, no sentido de indicar elementos para uma educação verdadeiramente democrática, emancipadora, omnilateral, laica, integral, crítica e reflexiva, para ambos os sexos. Assim como resignificou a ideia de público através da educação, desvinculando-o da lógica atribuída pelo particularismo burguês. A educação pública e popular criticou o papel do Estado, delegando aos trabalhadores organizados a tarefa de direção e formulação do novo projeto educacional. Avanços capazes de revelar a importância da educação no interior da luta dos trabalhadores, na construção de um novo projeto societal / Abstract: This thesis conducted an analysis, starting from the relationship between education and class struggle, using as the object of study the experience of education at Paris Commune in 1871. This short experience was able to reveal the contribution of education in building a class consciousness of workers through the debates and political disputes in favor of better living conditions and rights, conducted in the period that preceded the Commune, the precursor, when education assumed a central role, channeling the elements of discontent and denunciation of the project implemented by the Empire of Napoleon III, at the same time that it revealed elements of a new project of society. The experience of education at Paris Commune was able to indicate breaks with the republican educational project, in order to suggest elements for a truly democratic, emancipator, comprehensive, secular, critical and reflective education, for both sexes. It also redefined the idea of public, through education, separating it from the logic given by bourgeois particularism. The public and popular education criticized the role of the state, delegating to the organized workers the task of leadership and formulation of the new educational project. Advances able to reveal the importance of education within the struggle of workers in the construction of a new societal project / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia

Orientador: Lúcia da Costa Ferreira / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T20:56:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Feital_MarceladaSilveira_M.pdf: 3408074 bytes, checksum: 2428dba577cc31bb3ead21b574b11a9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: A discussão e aprovação de megaprojetos de infraestrutura envolvem arenas de negociação em diversos níveis. Da discussão de objetivos à elaboração de regras que definem a natureza, os limites e o alcance do empreendimento, o processo decisório coloca em ação atores diversos em termos de interesses e aparatos de negociação. Essa pesquisa analisou a arena decisória, seus múltiplos níveis e os conflitos que estão associados à expansão do principal porto da costa norte de São Paulo, o Porto de São Sebastião. Neste contexto, esta pesquisa também examinou se há uma tendência de burocratização da arena ambiental que pode trazer vantagens ou desvantagens para os conflitos associados a grandes projetos. Este porto tem relevância histórica no Brasil como um dos principais eixos do petróleo e de outros produtos das Regiões Metropolitanas de Campinas e do Vale do Paraíba, configurando uma área com importância nacional estratégica. O porto é rodeado por unidades de conservação e patrimônio histórico, configurando também uma área turística importante. Para compreender essa realidade foi necessária uma adaptação e hibridização de teorias sobre racionalização, conflitos e arena social, e de análise institucional. Foi utilizado um arcabouço analítico que permitiu a identificação de uma rede de situações de ação (nacional/regional/local), seus componentes-chave e as relações entre níveis. Os dados empíricos incluíram vídeos e transcrições das audiências públicas, entrevistas semiestruturadas com atores em diferentes níveis, análises de documentos, artigos de jornais e relatórios de impactos ambientais. O trabalho discutiu as implicações das interações dentro de cada nível no planejamento e no processo de licenciamento ambiental no Brasil. Os dados demonstraram que os atores com interesses divergentes adotaram estratégias de ação diferentes para influenciar as decisões. Isso, aliado a elementos organizacionais do processo decisório, contribuiu para um diálogo desigual, menos aberto e transparente, promovendo o que foi chamado de "conversa de surdo" / Abstract: The approval of infrastructure megaprojects involves negotiation arenas at different levels. From the discussion of long-term goals to the crafting of rules defining the nature and scope of a project, the decision-making process brings together actors with different goals, worldviews, and negotiating powers. This research examines the decision arena and its multiple levels and the social conflicts associated with the expansion of the sea port in the Northern coast of São Paulo. It also tries to verify whether there is trend to bureaucratization (weberian sense) of the environmental arena, and whether it brings advantages or disadvantages for the resolution of conflicts associated with large projects. This port has a historic importance as one of the main hubs for petroleum and other products, an area of touristic and national strategic importance. The port is surrounded by colonial towns and conservation units, which makes this region an important touristic area. To understand this case different groups of theories were integrated: rationalization, conflicts, social arena, and institutional analysis. The Institutional analysis and Development framework (IAD) was used to identify the network of action situations at different levels (national, regional and local), their key components and their interlinkages across levels. Empirical data include videos and transcripts of public-meetings, semi-structured interviews, analysis of documents, news articles, and environmental impact assessments. This study analyzes the implications of these interlinkages to the current system of environmental planning and project approval in Brazil. The data showed that actors with divergent interests adopted different action strategies to influence decision-making. This, together with the organizational elements of the decision process, contributed to an unequal, less open and transparent dialogue, promoting what was called "deaf conversation" / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestra em Sociologia

Orientador: Isabel Maria Loureiro / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T19:30:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HilsenbeckFilho_AlexanderMaximilian_D.pdf: 2584692 bytes, checksum: cf4f508cda0e0da97b66d3cd868b243a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) - formado no processo de redemocratização nacional, junto com outras organizações como o PT e a CUT - constituiu-se ao longo de três décadas no principal movimento social do país, e num dos mais relevantes do mundo, sendo referência anticapitalista e de resistência às políticas neoliberais na década de 1990. Nesse processo, o MST conseguiu se reinventar e equilibrar a dimensão pragmática visando à solução dos problemas cotidianos de sua base com o objetivo de uma sociedade livre e igualitária, alicerçado numa prática de ação direta e de negociação. Contudo, com a chegada do PT ao governo federal e numa conjuntura de crescimento econômico, diminuição da desigualdade social e queda no desemprego, em que as políticas participativas (públicas e privadas) ganham capilaridades nos mais distintos setores da esquerda, como tem se caracterizado a luta do MST, e que tendências se podem observar? Diante de parcerias com empresas capitalistas transnacionais, gestão de recursos governamentais e dificuldade crescente em fazer ocupações e conquistar novos assentamentos, constata-se que essa situação não pode ser compreendida apenas como resultado de alianças e composições de classes numa frente governista. Não sendo a realidade uma figura monocromática, a análise das contradições do MST nos permite desvelar mecanismos próprios do capitalismo visando à assimilação das lutas sociais. A partir da análise da literatura existente (nos meios acadêmicos, militantes e empresariais), de pesquisas de campo e entrevistas, procuramos identificar alguns desafios enfrentados pelo MST na última década, desafios que colocam impasses não apenas ao Movimento Sem Terra, mas que são, em grande medida, generalizáveis para o conjunto das forças antissistêmicas / Abstract: The Landless Workers' Movement (MST) - formed in the process of national re-democratization in Brazil together with other organizations like PT and CUT - became in the course of three decades the country's main social movement and one of the most important in the world, as an example of an anti-capitalist movement opposed to neoliberal policies in the 1990s. In this process, MST has managed to reinvent itself and to balance its pragmatic dimension aimed at solving the everyday problems of its base with the goal of a free and equalitarian society, founded on the practice of direct action and negotiation. However, with PT's arrival at the federal government and in a context of economic growth, reduction of social inequality and declining unemployment, when participatory policies (public and private) gain currency in the most diverse sectors of the left, what characterizes MST's struggle, and what tendencies can be observed? Considering MST's partnerships with transnational corporations, the management of government resources and increasing difficulty in making occupations and conquering new settlements, one concludes that this situation cannot be understood simply as a result of alliances and class compositions in a government coalition. Insofar as reality is not monochromatic, the analysis of MST's contradictions allows us to unveil capitalism's own mechanisms aimed at the assimilation of social struggles. From the analysis of the current (academic, activist and corporate) literature, of field researches and interviews, we sought to identify some of the challenges faced by MST in the last decade, that present dilemmas not only for that movement, but in general for all anti-systemic forces / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

A presente pesquisa partiu de uma compreensão sociológica da crise da modernidade para refletir acerca da constituição do grupo social denominado pessoas em situação de rua na tessitura da dinâmica urbana e seus desafios para vencer essa situação de vulnerabilidade extrema. Tendo como referência o município de São Carlos/SP, caracterizamos o perfil do grupo, debruçando-nos sobre os fatores limitantes relacionados às formas de acesso e uso da água doce. Valorizamos a experiência de sofrimento social na interação precária com o território da cidade como constituinte de um conhecimento empírico relevante, o qual pode, eventualmente, subsidiar a formulação e implementação de políticas urbanas socialmente includentes. / This research started from a sociological understanding of the crisis of modernity to reflect on the constitution of a homeless social group on the organization of urban dynamics and its challenges to overcome this situation of extremely vulnerable situation. Considering Sao Carlos as reference group profile was characterized and limiting factor related to freshwater access and use were adressed. Social suffering experience was taken into account on the poor interaction the town territory as a relevant empirical knowledge, which could eventually assist the formulate and implement socially inclusive urban policies.

This study is a rhetorical analysis of the protests that occurred along the international leg of the 2008 Beijing Olympic torch relay. This study aimed to identify the rhetorical strategies employed by the agitators that were demonstrated along the torch relay. There were two agitative groups: The movement and the counter-movement. The movement began at the start of the torch relay and the counter-movement began demonstrating one week later. There were a number of protest groups in the movement including human rights activists, media rights activists, and environmentalists. However, there was only one distinct group in the counter-movement, pro-China supporters. The movement agitated the Chinese government and their nation's government. To establish the rhetorical strategies and tactics utilized by the two agitative groups and the control groups, this study analyzed the artifact through the model of the rhetoric of agitation and control created by Bowers, Ochs, and Jensen (1993) and symbolic interaction. This study . found that the Chinese government (the control) created the counter-movement to suppress and provide a counter-persuasion to the movement. To achieve this rhetorical strategy the control fully co-opted the rhetorical strategies of the movement. This study also, found that the governments to which the agitators belonged to completely denied the demands of the agitators in order to maintain healthy relations with China.

Projects aiming to mitigate climate change, e.g. forest conservation and renewable energy projects, are increasing in numbers across the world while often being praised in international settings. However, on a local level, climate change mitigation projects may have unintended consequences due to a lack of meaningful community inclusion, while justifying their operations with an environmental discourse. A research gap is identified concerning the link and causal pathways between local community inclusion and social conflict in mitigation projects. This study thus aims to answer the question: how does the degree of community inclusion in projects aiming to mitigate climate change affect the likelihood of social conflict? The theoretical argument follows that project implementers not addressing recognition and representation increase the likelihood of social conflict. The causal mechanism is community perception of project legitimacy which is decisive for community acceptance or opposition. The theoretical argument is tested in a small-n comparative case study using the structured focused comparison method and the most-similar systems method. Pairs of cases from Senegal and Lao PDR are compared. The empirical findings suggest that the hypothesis receives partial support. Although the theorized link between the degree of inclusion and social conflict is observable, the data is limited and thus only gives weak support to the hypothesis. Legitimacy is found to be a potential causal mechanism, although limited data on community perceptions result in weak support. Lastly, the findings have policy relevance in terms of prioritizing recognition and representation of all groups affected by the mitigation project, particularly gender. Future research paths include field studies to improve evidence of community experiences and a large-n study to improve generalizability.

No description available.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The thesis is an analysis of the strikes at Volkswagen SA during the period 1999-2000 and its social and political outcomes. Seen from a broader perspective, it is a case study of social conflict in a young democracy after the formal demise of apartheid in 1994. By the time (i.e. early in 2000) events reached a climax, the company had lost millions of Rand in revenue and more than 1300 workers their jobs. The thesis wants to explain how this came to be - despite attempts by the company to establish a pluralistic industrial relations culture that go back to the early 1990s and after, ostensibly, gaining the consent of the shop stewards committee at the factory and the NUMSA leadership for a lucrative ("A4") export agreement. After studying the literature and the press, interviewing key actors in the "drama", and closely following the proceedings of the CCMA and the Labour Court, the thesis comes up with an explanation more complex than the "conventional" ones offered during and after the strike. The immediate cause of the strike action was the nonacceptance of the terms of the export agreement by 13 shop stewards and their supporters. These shop stewards had been elected onto the VW shop steward council after their union (i.e. NUMSA) and the company had concluded the agreement. When they came out in open defiance of the agreement, they were suspended by the union for their unconstitutional action. They subsequently tried to rally their followers for their own reinstatement. However, the thesis shows that the strikes of 1999 and 2000 were merely two more outbursts of shop floor tension and conflict that had been dormant for a long time. Before and after 1994, there existed informal structures and factions at the shop floor level which refused to tow the official NUMSA "line" - a policy which increasingly started to embrace the ethos of "reconstruction" and economic competitiveness. Neither the union leadership, nor company management were able to deal with these informal structures and bring the dissident faction under control. Although the potential for more cooperation and trust did exist, both the union leadership and management failed to turn this into "social capital". The thesis suggest that this may have been possible, if there had been more direct forms of worker participation (over and above the shop stewards committee). Also, the haemorraging of the union leadership after 1994, and the increasing bureaucratisation of industrial relations did nothing to improve the situation. To make matters worse, the thesis argues, the terms ofthe export agreement were not properly communicated to the union rank and file. To top it all, the thesis provides ample evidence that the VW workers could not record any extra material gains in exchange for more flexible working arrangements in the wake of the shift from "Fordism" to "Lean Production" at the Uitenhage factory. Here, "wealth creative" industrial relations did not accompany the shift to lean production, as post-Fordist theory would like to suggest. When the 13 shop stewards and a certain percentage of the VW workforce came out in protest against this arrangement, no special efforts were made to mediate the conflict. The "fallout" of the conflict includes hundreds of millions of Rand in lost company revenue, more unemployment in one of the poorest regions of South Africa, a drawn out legal process and political divisions in worker ranks and in the Uitenhage community. Although NUMSA admits to a "wakeup call", the relationship between the COSA TU affiliated union and the state is as close as ever. In the eyes of the thesis, however, the case of the VW strike, including the direct intervention of the head of state, is proof that the young, post-settlement democracy is not yet able to deal with social conflict in a mature way. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis is 'n analise van die stakings by Volkswagen SA tydens die periode 1999- 2000 en sy sosiale en politieke gevolge. Gesien vanuit 'n breer perspektief, is dit 'n gevallestudie van sosiale konflik in 'n jong demokrasie na die formele be'indiging van apartheid in 1994. Teen die tyd (vroeg in 2000) wat gebeure 'n hoogtepunt bereik het, het die maatskappy honderde miljoene Rande in inkomste verloor en meer as 1300 werkers hul werk. Die tesis wil verklaar waarom dit gebeur het - ten spyte van die pogings deur die firma sedert die vroee 1990s om 'n pluralistiese arbeidsverhoudingskultuur te skep en nadat die "shop stewards" komitee by die fabriek en die NUMSA leirskap oenskynlik sy instemming gegee het tot 'n lonende ("A4") uitvoerkontrak. Na 'n studie van die literatuur en die pers, onderhoude met sleutel akteurs in die "drama" en 'n noukeurige monitering van die verrigtinge by die CCMA en die arbeidshof, kom die tesis na vore met 'n verklaring wat meer kompleks is as die wat tydens die staking en daama aangebied is. Die onmidellike oorsaak van die staking was die nie-aanvaarding van die uitvoer ooreenkoms deur 13 "shop stewards" en hul ondersteuners. Hierdie "shop stewards" is verkies tot die VW "shop steward" komitee midat die unie (d.w.s. NUMSA) en die maatskappy die ooreenkoms gesluit het. Toe hulle openlike opposisie teen die ooreenkoms gewys het, is hulle deur die unie geskors vir hul onkonstitusionele optrede. Hulle het daama hul ondersteuners probeer mobiliseer vir die herstel van hul posisies. Die tesis wys egter dat die stakings van 1999 en 2000 bloot nog twee uitbarstings was van 'n smeulende fabrieksvloer konflik en spanning wat vir 'n lank tyd reeds sluimerend was. V oor en mi 1994 het daar informele strukture en faksies op die fabrieksvloer bestaan wat geweier het om die amptelike beleid van NUMSA te volg - 'n beleid wat toenemend die etos van "rekonstruksie" en ekonomiese mededingendheid aangeneem het. Nog die unie leierskap, nog die maatskappy bestuur was instaat om die informele strukture te hanteer en die afwykende faksie onder beheer te bring. Alhoewel die potensiaal vir meer samewerking en vertroue bestaan het, het beide die unie leierskap en die bestuur daarin gefaal om dit te omvorm tot "sosiale kapitaal". Die tesis suggereer dat dit moontlik sou gewees het as daar 'n meer direkte vorm van werkers deelname (bo en behalwe die "shop stewards" komitee) bestaan het. Die verlies aan kwaliteit leiers mi 1994, sowel as die toenemende burokratisering van arbeidsverhoudings het ook nie gehelp om die situasie te beredder me. Om dinge te vererger, redeneer die tesis, is die klousules van die uitvoer ooreenkoms nie behoorlik aan die gewone unie lede verduidelik nie. Om alles te kroon, voorsien die tesis genoeg bewyse dat die VW werkers nie enige ekstra materiele voordele kon aanteken in ruil vir meer buigsame werksreelings as deel van die skuif vanaf "Fordisme" na "Lean Production" by die fabriek in Uitenhage nie. Hier het "welvaartskeppende" arbeidsverhoudings nie hand-aan-hand gegaan met die skuif na "lean production, soos post-Fordistiese teorie wil suggereer nie. Toe die 13 "shop stewards" en 'n sekere persentasie van die VW arbeidsmag openlik daarteen geprotesteer het, is geen spesiale poging aangewend om die konflik te besleg nie. Die skade van die konflik sluit honderde miljoene Rande aan verlore maatskappy inkomste, meer werkloosheid in een van Suid-Afrika se armste streke, 'n uitgerekte regsproses en politieke verdeeldheid onder werkers en in die Uitenhage gemeenskap in. Alhoewel NUMSA erken dat hulle "wakkergeskrik" het, is die verhouding tussen die COSA TU geaffilieerde vakunie en die staat so eng soos vantevore. In die oe van· die tesis egter, is die geval van die VW staking, insluitende die direkte ingryping deur die staatshoof, 'n bewys daarvan dat die jong, post-skikking demokrasie nog nie gereed is om sosiale konflik op 'n ryp manier te hanteer nie.

This work aims to contribute to the wider body of research in history of economics in Brazil by focusing on the conceptual evolution of inflation inertia. Its motivation lies in the conceptual gap that appeared, following disinflation in 1994, between the stabilization debates carried out in the 1980s and the way economists in Brazil began to describe downwardly rigid inflation patterns from the 1990s onwards. More precisely, we explore the \"inertial inflation episode\" as a chapter in a longer tradition of adaptations, to country-specific realities, of theoretical influences coming from the economics profession at the international level, in the late 1970s, when the inertial inflation hypothesis was brought to the fore. Our narrative reveals that this stubborn inflationary phenomenon had been previously dealt with in the debates in Latin America about growth and inflation back in the 1950s and 1960s, where a host of contributions sprung from various traditions, which were gradually synthesized by the saw-tooth model of real wages, also known as Simonsen-Pazos mechanism. We analyze the recurrent opposition between a monetarist- and a heterodox structuralist-type of thinking in their two rounds, in the 1950s and again in the 1980s. The connection between these two opposing schools is operated by the contributions by Mario Henrique Simonsen and the self-declared neo-structuralist economists at PUC-Rio. Based on a careful and detailed analysis of the latter\'s modeling strategies and conclusions, we show that, along the 1980s, these economists gradually shift towards a more ecumenical approach, inviting monetarist elements into their analyses while downplaying the relevance of the inertial component. Finally, when the 1990s came, the rise of a macroeconomic consensus began to conceptualize \"inflation inertia\" as the time delay between a real or monetary shock and the response by price level changes, leaving the concept of \"inflation persistence\" to account for the deviations of inflation away from its equilibrium value, a view that undergirds how most Brazilian economists now understand this phenomenon. We assess how \"inflation inertia\" has been understood in the aftermath of the monetary reform in Brazil in 1994, by analyzing the backstage papers that circulated within the economic team in charge of the Real Plan. We conclude that there are elements of continuity between the two rounds as regards the concept of inertia, but that they are now stripped of their previous dense historical and institutional substance. / O presente trabalho busca contribuir para a literatura de história do pensamento econômico brasileiro, ao estudar a transformação do conceito de inércia inflacionária no Brasil desde os debates sobre estabilização na década de 1980 até o período pós-Real, mudança essa que permanece inexplicada pela literatura. Mais precisamente, o trabalho busca verificar a hipótese de que a inflação inercial não passou de um episódio de uma longa tradição de adaptações teóricas de influências oriundas de economistas estrangeiros, em especial na década de 1970, quando a hipótese de uma inflação inercial foi levantada. Nossa narrativa revela que o fenômeno da rigidez inflacionária já havia sido previamente compreendido e teorizado nos debates na América Latina, nas décadas de 1950 e 1960, quando inúmeras contribuições foram eventualmente sintentizadas no modelo de rendas contratuais sob inflação no formato de \"dente-de-serra\", ou o assim chamado mecanismo Simonsen-Pazos. A narrativa adota a controvérsia entre monetaristas e estruturalistas em seus dois momentos como eixo da análise, para mostrar como o desaparecimento dessa oposição coincide com a emergência do consenso macroeconômico em escala internacional. Baseando-se em uma análise cuidadosa e detalhada das contribuições dos economistas neo-estruturalistas da PUC-Rio e da onipresente influência de Simonsen como um sintetizador das contenciosas escolas, o trabalho apresenta evidências documentais de uma transformação estruturalista da segunda geração. Ao longo dos anos 1980, esses economistas gradualmente convergiram para uma abordagem mais ecumênica com relação aos monetaristas, reduzindo a importância do componente inercial da inflação e ampliando a relevância de aspectos usualmente associados à ortodoxia econômica. Finalmente, no período pós-Real, passa a predominar no país um conceito de inércia inflacionária que constrasta com a visão anterior dos economistas atuando no referido plano de estabilização. Esse novo conceito está associado à emergência da \"nova síntese neoclássica\", na qual a inércia é compreendida como o atraso na resposta dos níveis de preço a choques monetários ou reais, enquanto o conceito de persistência inflacionária representa desvios duradouros da inflação com relação ao seu nível de equilíbrio. Para compreender se essa mudança pode ser considerada uma ruptura com relação ao passado, analisam-se os artigos que circularam nos bastidores do Plano Real dentro da equipe econômica. Nosso trabalho conclui que há elementos de continuidade entre os dois momentos no que se refere ao conceito de inércia, os quais aparecem agora com uma representação analítica desprovida da substância histórica e institucional que o conceito outrora abarcava.

A tese tem como objetivo investigar a dinâmica de formação do ativismo anarquista na cidade de São Paulo entre os anos de 1892 e 1908, relacionando-a com certas dimensões transnacionais do mesmo. Caracterizando o anarquismo como um movimento social, utiliza o instrumental sociológico com a finalidade de captar a articulação entre sua ação pública como desafiante frente ao regime e ao campo econômico emergentes e a sua atuação submersa junto às classes populares. Com isso, pretende demonstrar que o anarquismo foi simultaneamente um dos atores responsáveis pela atualização do repertório de confronto político na nascente República e um personagem importante na construção de uma cultura autônoma e de resistência entre as classes populares. O argumento central da pesquisa é o de que a compreensão da sustentação e das opções estratégicas do movimento anarquista em São Paulo ao longo desse período só é plenamente apreendida quando se lança luz, simultaneamente, sobre o contexto político e social e sobre as ligações entre os grupos locais e o anarquismo transnacional. A formação do movimento foi dividida em três períodos. Entre os anos de 1892 e 1897, no contexto de construção do regime republicano, os ativistas participaram da montagem do campo socialista como referência política, estabeleceram seus quadros interpretativos e foram reconhecidos como atores sociopolíticos por aliados e opositores. Entre 1898 e 1903, na conjuntura de consolidação do regime republicano, os anarquistas obtiveram êxito na constituição de estruturas de mobilização, no estabelecimento de uma cultura libertária e na conservação de sua identidade coletiva. Finalmente, entre 1904 e 1908, no contexto de pressão popular sobre o regime republicano e o campo econômico, os grupos anarquistas instituíram decisivamente suas orientações estratégicas. O movimento diversificou-se internamente sem desmantelar sua identidade coletiva. Seus grupos estabeleceram uma especialização do trabalho do ativismo, mas seguiram norteados por quadros interpretativos comuns e mantiveram coordenadas suas ações nas dimensões visível e latente do movimento. / This thesis is for the purpose of investigating the dynamics of anarchist activism formation in the city of São Paulo between the years of 1892 and 1908, relating it to certain transnational dimensions of anarchism. By characterizing anarchism as a social movement, the sociological instruments are used aiming at grasping the relationship between its public action as a challenger against the emergent regime and economic field and its concealed actions together with popular classes. Thereby, the intention is to demonstrate that anarchism was simultaneously one of the actors responsible for updating the repertoire of political contention in the rising Republic and an important character in structuring an autonomous, resistance culture among popular classes. The central argument of the research is that comprehension of the grounds and strategic options of anarchist movement in São Paulo throughout this period is fully achieved only when both the political and social setting and the connections between local groups and transnational anarchism are elucidated. Movement formation was divided into three periods: Between the years of 1892 and 1897, in the setting of republican regime structuring, the activists participated in the institution of the socialist field as political reference, established their interpretive frames and were acknowledged as sociopolitical actors by allies and oppositionists. Between 1898 and 1903, in the setting of republican regime consolidation, anarchists were successful in constituting mobilization structures, in establishing a libertarian culture and in preserving the movements collective identity. At last, between 1904 and 1908, in the setting of popular pressure on the republican regime and economic field, anarchist groups decisively instituted their strategic guidelines. The movement has internally diversified, but not dismantling its collective identity. Its groups established a division of the activism work, but proceeded guided by common interpretive frames and kept their actions coordinated in the visible and latent dimensions of the movement.