In this dissertation, I investigate the socioeconomic causes of consequences of ethnic conflict, and evaluate interventions that can reduce social animosity and misperceptions about outgroups. In particular, I focus on conflict between Hindus and Muslims in India. In recent years, online misinformation has emerged as a major contributor to misperceptions and animosity towards Muslims in India. In Chapter 1, I investigate if we can inoculate people against misinformation and mitigate its impact on people’s beliefs, attitudes, and behavior? We conduct a large field experiment in India with an intervention providing weekly digests containing a compilation of fact-checks of viral misinformation. In these digests, we also incorporate narrative explainers to give details and context of issues that are politically salient and consistent target of false stories. Specifically, we address misperceptions about Muslims increasingly fuelled by online misinformation. We find that familiarity with fact-checks increases people’s ability to correctly identify misinformation by eleven percentage points. However, belief in true news also decreases by four percentage points. We estimate a structural model to disentangle the two mechanisms of impact—truth discernment, which is the ability to correctly distinguish between false and true news; and skepticism, which changes the overall credulity for both false and true news. The impact is driven by an increase in both truth discernment and skepticism. Whereas skepticism increases immediately, it takes several weeks to become better at discerning truth. Finally, our intervention reduces misperceptions about Muslims, as well as leads to changes in policy attitudes and behavior. Treated individuals are less likely to support discriminatory policies and are more likely to pay for efforts to counter the harassment of inter-faith couples. In Chapter 2, I investigate the economic impacts of conflict and social animus by estimating the causal impact of ethnic violence on economic growth in India. For causal identification, I use shift-share instruments to isolate exogenous national shocks to violence from endogenous local shocks. On average, a riot reduces state GDP growth rate by 0.14 percentage points. To investigate mechanism, I estimate the dynamics of impact using the synthetic control method and compare it to theoretical predictions from a shock to social capital versus physical capital. This shows that the negative impact of violence is likely driven by a negative shock to social capital from higher animosity and discrimination among communities exposed to violence. This impact of violence on growth creates a vicious cycle when one also considers the effect in the opposite direction – lower growth leading to more violence. The multiplier due to this vicious cycle magnifies the impact of external growth shocks by 40 percent in equilibrium. Overall, the results highlight the importance of strong institutions to manage conflict for the long-term prosperity of societies. In Chapter 3, I investigate the historical origins of ethnic violence in India by comparing violence in regions that were directly ruled by British, versus those that were indirectly ruled through native kings who had significant autonomy. I find that regions that are directly ruled have more violence in post-independence period. I then use direct British rule as an instrument for ethnic violence to estimate the impact of violence and residential segregation.

No description available.

Young people tend to witness and experience the ubiquitous nature of conflicts that emanate from dominant socio-political, economic, and cultural forces and often tend to shape school practices. In this study, I listened to the voices of students who attend schools that aspire to resist this socialization for conflict through their focus on peace education. The research questions that guided my study are, ‘In this world of conflict, how are young people imagining, engaging, and enacting a peaceful world?’ which is complemented with a question on, ‘How are middle school students interacting with notions of peace and conflict as they make meaning of their social worlds?’ Inspired by a methodological approach of youth participatory action research (YPAR), 12 students across two schools in New Delhi, India, participated in a YPAR process across 13 virtual sessions, which were held twice weekly. Guided by a critical peace education and critical hope framework, I found that despite living in a world that is embedded in conflict, these young people move beyond despair and offer hope and possibilities for imagining, engaging with, and enacting a peaceful world. With an orientation to peace, these young people illuminate their imaginations of peace, which help us to think about ways in which we can live as peaceful beings characterized by harmonious co/existence with the self, one another, and the environment. Living in this world of conflict, these young people do demonstrate an awareness of existing conflict, and their engagement with conflict also tends to take them back to a place of peace. Starting from and returning to a place of peace could contribute towards building a peaceful world.

This dissertation examines selected relationships between issue-specific and overall perceptions of conflict and cooperation within a distribution channel setting. The issue of cooperative bias in channel relations, and the dichotomy of issue-specific and overall perceptions are tested. Hypotheses stemming from exchange theory, as applicable to the channel context, are offered on the effects of incongruities, salience, and antagonism on dissatisfaction, conflict, and cooperation. The research was conducted in two phases. The pretest was used to develop the experimental procedures for parasimulation, to assess the reliability and unidimensionality of the measurement models, and to test the manipulation of the independent variables. Subsequently, the main experiments were conducted. Both phases employed two research designs. Research design one, a 2x2 factorial, examined the effects of two levels each (high and low) of negative incongruity and salience. In research design two, a 2x2x2 nested facto- rial, positive incongruity (high and low) and antagonism (present or absent) were additional independent variables. Multiple indicators were used to measure the dependent variables of issue-specific dissatisfaction, conflict, and cooperation, and overall conflict and cooperation. Dependent measures were obtained using content-analysis, magnitude estimates, and rating scales. Reliability was assessed using Cronbach's alpha (rating scales), composite interjudge coefficient (content data), and regression exponent (magnitude scales). Unidimensionality of measurement models was also assessed. Inferential statistical techniques of MANOVA, ANOVA, and t-tests were used to test the hypotheses. Including the pretest, altogether five different samples were used. The findings were quantitatively integrated to summarize the results across the different samples and methods, and were statistically homogeneous. In general, a majority of hypothesized relationships were supported by the data. Issue-specific and overall perceptions of conflict and cooperation were found to be distinct constructs, and the hypothesis of cooperative bias was supported. Incongruities succeeded in explaining the emergence of dissatisfaction, conflict, and cooperation. However, salience and antagonism had directionally correct but weaker explanatory power. Results are discussed with respect to major findings and their theoretical and methodological contributions to the channel research domain. The dissertation concludes with a discussion of the limitations of the study and directions for future research. / Ph. D.

No description available.

This study is a qualitative interpretative study of conflict management in a multicultural Namibian institution. The focus of the study is to understand how individual people in a particular organization perceive conflict, the possible sources of conflict as well as to explore the possible strategies of managing conflict. This is followed by an analysis of the general educational cultural and social characteristics of Namibia, which relate to the sources of conflict. I also make an attempt to have a deeper understanding of people from different cultural and educational backgrounds in viewing conflict and how these differences might be seen as major sources of conflict and how they deal with it - by using a case study approach. I interviewed 5 participants from different cultural backgrounds. The major research methodology I used in this study is in-depth interviews that allowed me to explore people's understanding of, attitudes to and views on conflict. I supplemented the interviews with participant observation, which allowed me to get first-hand information on how people interact socially and in meetings in order to explore possible sources and existence of conflict in meetings and how the staff dealt with it. Furthermore, I tried as much as possible to observe daily activities as an observer. People interviewed have different perceptions about conflict. Some use conflict to their advantage to arouse discussion and stimulate creative thinking. Some people find conflict to be a burden, something to be minimized. This avoidance leads to poor decisions and poor use of teams as a way to improve both decision making and acceptance of the decisions that are made. Cultural differences among staff and the process of reform emerge as the major sources of conflict. Whether a conflict will result in negative or positive consequences, or both, will depend to a large part on the strategy taken to resolve the conflict.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation analyses the relationship between civil society and political leadership within the context of Zimbabwe’s protracted social conflict, particularly through the lens of land policy. Through the use of strategic informants, it yields important insights into the origins, form and impact of political leadership and civil society in a way that will expose the dynamics of elite and grassroots mobilisation and the political context in which land policy is either made or obstructed. Specifically, this dissertation examines two research questions. First, if political leadership is not representative of the citizenry, is land policy more likely to engender overt conflict? Second, if civil society has an autonomous role in the public sphere, is land policy more likely to benefit citizens? This dissertation also confronts an emerging empirical problem: the absence of descriptive data in regards to how civil society and political leadership have engaged in reforming land policy in Zimbabwe during the period of transition from 2008 to 2013. By measuring representation and autonomy – indicators of human needs satisfaction– this dissertation traced each phase of the protracted social conflict as it both helped to create the conditions for a liberation model of representation while simultaneously further exacerbating protracted social conflict within Zimbabwe. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ontleed die verhouding tussen die burgerlike samelewing en politieke leierskap veral deur die lens van grondbeleid, binne die konteks van Zimbabwe se uitgerekte sosiale konflik. Dit het ten doel om belangrike insigte op te lewer in die oorsprong, vorm en impak van politieke leierskap en die burgerlike samelewing. Die word blootgestel in 'n manier wat die dinamika van die elite en mobilisering op grondvlak in ag neem soweel as die politieke konteks waarin grondbeleid óf gemaak is of belemmer word. Hierdie tesis konfronteer ook 'n opkomende empiriese probleem: die afwesigheid van beskrywende data met betrekking tot die betrokkenheod van die burgerlike samelewing en politieke leierskap tydens die grondhervorming proses in Zimbabwe gedurende die tydperk van oorgang tussen 2008 en 2013. Deur die meting van verteenwoordiging en outonomie - aanwysers van menslike behoeftes bevrediging - word elke fase van die uitgerekte sosiale konflik ondersoek met betrekking tot hoe ‘n bevryding model van verteenwoordigheid beide gehelp het om die voorwaardes te skepvir die eindeiging van die PSC; maar terselfdertyd het dit ook die sosiale konflik in Zimbabwe verder uitgerek. !

<p>The aim of this paper is to examine if the two latest Peace Plans in the Palestine-Israeli con-flict observes the sources of the conflict and presents measures in the purpose of solving them. The point of departure is William Azar’s theory of protracted social conflict (PSC). According to Azar, the internal sources of a PSC lies in three clusters of variables: the com-munal content of a society, the deprivation of human needs as an underlying source of PSC, and the role of the state in the deprivation or satisfaction of human needs. The study is de-signed as a multiple-case study where the units of analysis are the Roadmap to Peace and the Geneva Initiative. An analyze instrument, based on operationalization of Azar’s three clusters of internal sources of a PSC, is developed and used to analyze the Roadmap to peace and the Geneva Initiative. The conclusions are that the two Peace Plans observes and present meas-ures to solve the communal content of the conflict, but both Peace Plans are unsatisfactory in presenting measures aiming to solve problems related to the role of the state and human needs. Especially the acceptance need within the state is missing in the contents of the Peace Plans.</p>

Most writing about "Red Clydeside" has come from writers overtly sympathetic to revolutionary ideals - whether the Clydesiders themselves or later academic admirers. It is hoped that a wider use of outside sources will help to provide a more detached view.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.