As social media platforms and the internet have become an integral part of our civic and political lives, many questions about how to approach digital politics and civic engagement have emerged in the past few years. This project attempts to address some of those questions, specifically how we may think about civic education in the digital age. I begin with the premise that in the digital age, education for democracy must focus on its epistemic aspect. While proponents of aggregative forms of democracy consider vote to be the main form of citizen participation, forms of epistemic democracy such as deliberative democracy seek to contribute to social knowledge through communication amongst citizens, civil society, market players and state institutions. I initially ground my inquiry within the American context by highlighting the participatory character of the American democratic ethos. For this, I evoke John Dewey’s view of democracy as involving collective inquiry that allows both individual growth and the enrichment of collective life. Then, by examining Jürgen Habermas’ deliberative and Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic models of democracy against the backdrop of increasing digital mediation of civic and political discourse, I problematize democratic subjectivity in the digital age and suggest using Etienne Balibar’s notion of transindividuality, which he develops from 17th century philosopher Baruch Spinoza. While Habermas demonstrates that certain communication conditions are necessary for legitimate political action, Mouffe reminds us that taking into account the importance of collective affective drives can help us take seriously the plurality of our contemporary democracies. However, I argue that in the digital age the strengths of these two approaches must be adapted to the evolving materiality of the environment in which people’s lived experience takes place rather than merely kept for instances of communication that occur within state institutions. For this, Balibar’s suggestion to think of the process of freedom of speech as a public good allows us to ground discourse in the material context in which it is produced and maintained, and provides a generative way of thinking of the role of education in our times.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Arts (Development Studies), August 2017 / This study examines the new online phenomenon called Black Twitter and the publics that have been formed on this platform in regards to issues affecting black lives. Specifically, it not only introduces to the reader the South African Black Twitter market, but more importantly, it looks at how Black Twitter users construct and articulate their gender identities online. This is done through analyzing trending topics, particularly, through a specific hashtag (#IFApartheidDidntHappen) and accounts (@blak_terrorist and @KasiMlungu) which offer rich insight around racial identities and enables one to analyze the content and possible discourses that come into play on this Black Twitter platform. This paper also contributes to the growing literature on the growing black middle-class by exploring how Black Twitter is providing a voice to groups that were historically excluded from the mainstream media discourse. The key purpose of this paper was to explore, as has been suggested, Black Twitter as a public platform and how its young group of users are moving into spaces to challenge the status quo and change historically dominant discourses. / XL2018

published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

E-engagement in public policies can be defined as citizens’ connection with and participation in making public policies. The primary goal of connecting citizens during making public policies is to improve efficiency of the governance of government and the acceptance of public policies. To enhance public engagement in making public policies, the Hong Kong Government is trying out to take soundings from the community and to gauge public views on the government and public policies through social media platform, such as Facebook, twitters, blogs and so on. To evaluate the implementation of social media of the Hong Kong Government, including how the social media encourages public engagement in public policies, how and why the government employs the views collected from social media platforms in making public policies, framework of Public Involvement Spectrum in Local Governance put forward by the International Association for Public Participation (IAP2), its adapted form developed by Lukensmeyer and Torres and case studies methodology will be applied in this dissertation. This dissertation sought to understand more on the implementation of social media by the Hong Kong Government and what strategy should be applied by the government in e-engagement. This study suggested that the Hong Kong Government tend to use social media to inform, involve and collect views from the public rather than empowering the public in making public policies. And the Hong Kong Government has successfully increased public awareness of certain public policies or issues through social media platform but the acceptance on certain policies or the support rating for the Government may not be benefited from the use of social media. Based on the analysis and observations from this study, it provides a useful and practical roadmap for future study and development of social media in e-engagement. / published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Nigerian post-independence history (1960 to the present date) is steeped in socio-political upheavals. The majority of the citizens are frustrated with the injustice, inequality and fraudulent politics that pervade the country. The central argument of this thesis is that these conditions are critiqued through the photographic practices produced on Facebook. Through the circulation of photographs and the conversations around them on the social media platform, Nigerians demand social change. The sociality that underpins the visuality of social networking is explained by Ariella Azoulay's notion of "civil discourse," which theoretically organises the thrust of this thesis. The formulation suggests that the photograph is an outcome of the interaction among many individuals. It is a site of exchange, a process which I have argued to be reinforced by digital and internet technology. For five years, I have followed the visual social production on Facebook in the context of virtual participant observation, downloading photographs and the comments that go with them. A number of the photographs and the accompanying comments are analysed with semiotic tools to understand the key concerns of Nigerians. To explain how the agitation is presented, and the efforts invested in the production, I have reflected on the related questions of technological mediations and appropriations. A network of digital infrastructure conditions the creation and editing of the photographs and their dissemination and meaning-making processes on Facebook. Again, the Nigerian example demonstrates how state failure fuels activism, insurgency and counter-insurgency, all of which are actuated by digital photographic production. In this situation, the photographic image is burdened with the task to produce violence and to counter it. What ultimately emerges are complex relations among people, photography and technology. I conclude that the virtual movement presents possibilities for socio-political transformation in Nigeria. From the perspective of photography, this thesis contributes to the debates in social media activism and how it is shaping politics in Africa. It demonstrates the possibility of reading the tensions in an African postcolony through the connected digital, visual and social practices of the ordinary people. We are prompted to acknowledge the influence of digital infrastructure in the political use of the image.

The Internet and social media have significantly affected democracies around the world. Yet, little is known about their direct impact on political elites. My dissertation posits that the expansion of the internet and social media has increased elite ideological extremism through two channels: i) A growth in voter radicalism, affecting politicians who respond to their constituencies, and ii) a higher reward to extreme politicians on social media. In particular, politicians' higher exposure to a very politicized set of voters and the positive reception of their negative messages on social media results in an increase in their ideological extremism. I test these hypotheses in Chile, conducting four types of analyses. I start by characterizing the profile of the social media and Facebook users in Chile at different periods, corroborating that they are people with sharper ideological preferences than the rest of the voters. Then, I examine whether Chilean members of the Chamber of Deputies pay more attention to Facebook when an increasing share of their constituencies have access to 3G mobile internet. Empirically, I estimate a two-way fixed effect model, regressing measures of Facebook activity ---likes, shares, and total interactions--- on 3G mobile internet coverage using a panel data of Chilean legislators. Here, I found a substantive effect of 3G mobile internet on Facebook activity among politicians, implying that when citizens have more access to the internet, legislators spend much more time interacting on Facebook. Moreover, I analyze if either district-level access to the internet or large levels of Facebook activity enhances the level of ideological extremism among political elites. The use of behavioral outcomes outside the digital world is crucial to understanding the impact of social media on democracies, as such outcomes can have real-world consequences. I decided to use roll-call voting data from the Chilean congress, which allowed me to generate a measure of ideological extremism on the left-right scale. I regressed the measure on several measures of Facebook activity and/or 3G coverage, using two-way fixed effects models and an instrumental variable specification, leveraging the variation in 3G mobile internet as an instrument. In these analyses, I consistently found that higher levels of Facebook interactions increase ideological extremism among Chilean politicians, especially in the initial years of Facebook penetration. This dissertation contributes to the literature in three ways. First, it is one of the few academic endeavors investigating how social media affect political elites in domains outside the digital world. Second, this work speaks to the old discussion about whether politicians lead or follow the public, in this case, regarding extremism. My results show an elite-driven move to extremism due to exposure to social media, regardless of the position of voters. Third, this analysis contributes to the understanding of polarization and democratic backsliding in the global south. Indeed, in the last years, Latin American countries such as Colombia, Peru, Brazil, and Chile have experienced increasing levels of elite polarization, as evidenced by the type of candidates disputing the presidential elections. Social media penetration is a plausible driving force behind this phenomenon, as it encourages politicians to spend time chasing "likes," which, as I demonstrate, could eventually have consequences for the functioning of democracy.

Democratic theorists delineate several requirements for mass publics in democratic societies. These include holding policy preferences, deliberating over competing viewpoints, and making informed choices. This dissertation contributes to debates about the public’s performance in each of these areas. In the first chapter, I argue that a statistical method that has been used to characterize the public’s ideological consistency has produced misleading results. In the second, I demonstrate that two aspects of Americans’ social networks differ in their relationships to important political attitudes necessary for productive deliberation. In the third, I show that Americans with politically diverse social networks trust more of the content they encounter on social media but are no more likely to discern truth from falsehood or respond to accuracy nudging interventions. In total, this dissertation employs analytical, observational, and experimental research methods to address questions that concern old and new threats to mass democratic behavior in the United States.

Recent years have witnessed a slow but persistent erosion of the democratic governing of the U.S. Political scientists have identified several severe threats against the American democracy, including the spread of misinformation, the impact of negative partisanship, and the lack of political belonging for marginalized groups. While research on these threats abounds at the macro level, what remains under researched are the conduct of ordinary people as they navigate these issues and exercise civic rights.From the micro-analytic perspective of Conversation Analysis and Membership Categorization Analysis, this dissertation examines the practices that ordinary citizens and U.S. Members of Congress (MOCs) use to navigate these issues. 50 recordings of town hall meetings were collected from social media pages of the MOCs’ offices from 24 US States with the majority being House Representatives and several Senators. The dissertation addresses, on the one hand, how citizens navigate the following issues: introducing misinformation as part of one’s town hall contribution, (re)producing negative partisanship, and (re)producing exclusionary stances towards minoritized groups; and on the other, how MOCs respond to these issues. First, citizens assert epistemic superiority or appeal to rationality when bringing in factually unfounded information to town hall contributions. MOCs may choose to endorse, sidestep, or refute the misinformation when responding. Secondly, citizens present irreconcilable alternatives, presuppose a zero-sum game, or ascribe categories of threats to the opposing party. MOCs can choose to neutralize or upgrade the negative partisanship and even initiate it on their own. Finally, citizens assign categories of immorality against minoritized groups or establish their own religious superiority for maintaining exclusionary stances. MOCs may disalign with such stances by offering contesting categories, redirecting the focus of discussion, or disaffiliating with the citizens’ exclusionary stance via a telling. With the perspective of “motivated looking,” this dissertation is a continued effort in critically informed EMCA research and can be used to strengthen research on participatory democracy by its inherently emic approach. More importantly, findings from this dissertation can be adapted by organizations, teachers, and individuals to hold or facilitate more productive conversations around civic topics.

This dissertation explores how social media engagement can shape political content on social media by shaping incentives, stimulating content creation, and steering algorithmic curation. Across three papers, I reconcile interdisciplinary findings with the unique attributes of political content. My first paper presents an analytical framework for understanding how consumer interests and algorithmic sorting influence the types of content produced on social media platforms. Building off of a Downsian framework, I model two producers who adjust the content they create in order to maximize their reach, given the production point of their competitor. Unlike typical Downsian models, social media engagement can come both from preferences being very close to content, or very far, what I term concordant and discordant engagement, respectively. I show that polarization of content production can occur with a sufficient prevalence of discordant engagement, even without polarization in the population or producer preferences. I support this finding through interviews with content creators, including media staffers for Members of Congress. In my second paper, I investigate how engagement signals affect the production of comments and original posts, in both political and non-political subreddits. I conduct a series of field experiments on Reddit, contrasting both commenting and posting behaviors. I find that Reddit Awards seem to incentivize increased comments for new users, but do little to move veteran Redditors. I find weak evidence for a relationship in the opposite direction for individuals who post, rather than comment. These results suggest that engagement can affect certain types of original content production, including political content. However, posting and commenting are different behaviors that appear to have distinct relationships with engagement and user tenure. My third paper presents two TikTok experiments designed to highlight how algorithms respond to engagement signals. Again, my aim is to highlight how political content is treated. I conduct an algorithmic audit to show how engagement signals can alter initial recommendations. I find that effect sizes are conditional on the topic of interest, noting that engagement with political content appears to trigger relatively high rate of related recommendations. I support these audit results with a lab experiment, examining how initial engagement signals persist over time. I observe algorithmic behavior over 40 minutes of browsing by treatment-blind users. I find that political recommendations persist for treated accounts, even after significant browsing time. I also present preliminary results for algorithmic effects on user attitudes and experiences.

A Research project submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MA by course work and Research Report in the Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Faculty of Humanities University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg March 2016 / The Nkandlagate scandal, in which the South African President, Jacob Zuma allegedly spent an estimated R246 million of taxpayers’ money on the renovation of his Nkandla residence, created huge public outcry. This reached yet another height in 2015 when Zuma’s administration declared that the President was not going to pay back the money as demanded by the South African publics. The publics of South Africa used social media platforms to express themselves over the decision. Studies have shown that social media platforms provide an opportunity for political mobilisation of publics and their participation in democracy. Using critical discourse analysis, this study seeks to investigate how South African publics engaged in the social media platform, particularly Facebook, over Nkandlagate. The research focuses on the discussions by two political parties’ Facebook pages: an opposition party, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), and the ruling African National Congress (ANC). The analysis involves posts and comments made by South African publics on each of the Facebook pages to establish how South Africans made use of Facebook to express themselves over Nkandlagate, how the two parties covered Nkandlagate and what kind of discourse emerged from the parties’ posts. The concepts used in this research include the networked public sphere, democracy, watchdog and collective will/opinion. Three dimensions of critical discourse analysis were used for data analysis in this study: description (text genres), interpretation (discursive type) and explanation (social practice.) The insights of South African publics social practices were recognised. This research argues that to a large extent, social media has provided South African publics with access to Facebook a public sphere through which democracy – particularly in terms of freedom of speech – is exercised. However, there is a lack of democratic interaction in that although there was interactive engagement amongst publics, there was a lack of interactive engagement between politicians and publics. / MT2017