This thesis investigates the effects of participating in activism on the people who struggle for social change. Using a critical pedagogical framework, the study contributes to the theorisation of 'social movement learning' by drawing distinctions between processes, outcomes and implications of learning, and by developing the concepts '(un)learning'and 'pedagogical adversaries'. The research examines how activists who participate in social and political action develop different perspectives of social change. The conclusions draw on data collected throughout 2014, specifically interviews with, and observations of, UK-based Egyptian activists who engaged in social action during the continuing 25 January revolution between 2011-2014. As activists reflect on their understandings in the context of revolution and counter-revolution, coup d'etat, elections, strikes and various forms of social and political change, they reveal many 'pedagogical entry points'. The findings illustrate that social movements are continuous processes and sites of important, rich and potentially transformative learning because they generate pedagogical moments through which activists can engage with and develop critical perspectives of the way the world is and should be. Analysis of social movement learning as (un)learning exposes the cumulative and continuing nature of learning and unlearning, and generates important insights into how social movements challenge established 'knowledge' and 'truths' to create progressive alternatives. Drawing on critical and radical theories of social change, the thesis demonstrates the importance of continuing to question conceptualisations of social change and of a political imagination that understands the pedagogical potential of disjuncture and challenge.

Durante as investigações da Conjuração Baiana de 1798, um grupo de homens de muita opulência e luzimento, qualificados por Luís dos Santos Vilhena de corporação dos enteados, fez pronta-entrega de seus escravos à justiça para livrarem-se da acusação de prática sediciosa no final do século XVIII, na capitania da Bahia. Esse episódio foi o ponto de partida para se comprovar a participação de pessoas dos médios e altos setores da sociedade soteropolitana na Conjuração Baiana de 1798, cujas demandas explicitadas nos boletins manuscritos eram inconciliáveis em seus termos, uma vez que o projeto político dos médios setores, os milicianos, vislumbrava a mudança dos hierarquizados critérios sociais que os impediam de participarem do universo político e ascenderem na carreira militar, e o projeto político dos altos setores, a corporação dos enteados, objetivava a conservação das regras do Sistema Colonial, que até então os tratava como enteados nas dinâmicas políticas e econômicas do Império Português. A documentação demonstra que o recrudescimento do pacto colonial anunciado pelas reformas modernizantes de d. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho desencadeou uma tomada de consciência da exploração colonial, fazendo com que os altos setores da sociedade soteropolitana do final do século XVIII reivindicassem a internalização de seus interesses econômicos e a manutenção de seus privilégios ameaçados com a possibilidade do fim dos monopólios, dos morgados, da mudança na forma de arrematação dos ofícios de fazenda e justiça, e da manutenção da prorrogação da arrematação dos dízimos para os negociantes portugueses. Após uma aliança programática com o contingente armado da capitania da Bahia, os médios e altos setores do Partido da Liberdade deflagraram o movimento com a publicação dos boletins manuscritos, explorando ao limite os dois principais medos no horizonte de expectativas da coroa portuguesa naquele conflituoso final de século: a miragem do livre comércio e a invasão francesa. Abertas as devassas para a investigação dos autores dos boletins manuscritos e dos partícipes do movimento, os altos setores recuaram, entregaram seus escravos à justiça e formularam as principais culpas que condenaram à pena de morte homens dos médios setores. Tratam-se, portanto, de elementos que permitem a análise da Conjuração Baiana de 1798 como um movimento de contestação política ocorrido em duas fases, durante o período de 1796-1800, contando com a efetiva participação dos altos e médios setores da sociedade soteropolitana da época. O enforcamento em praça pública dos réus da Conjuração Baiana de 1798, portanto, é paradigmático do fato de que projeto político vencedor foi o conservador, na medida em que a coroa portuguesa empreendeu uma série de soluções de compromisso com a corporação dos enteados, garantindo-lhes a internalização de seus interesses e a manutenção de seus privilégios, que os constituíam no setor dominante daquela sociedade, base social fundamental para a sustentação do poder monárquico português continuar a governar a conflitualidade no interior dos setores dominantes da sua principal colônia. / During the investigations of the Conjuração Baiana of 1798, a group of men with \"opulence and brightness\" qualified by Luís dos Santos Vilhena like the \"corporação dos enteados\", made a \"immediate delivery\" of their slaves to justice to rid themselves of charges of seditious practices in the late eighteenth century, at the captaincy of Bahia. This episode was the starting point to prove the participation of people from middle and higher social sectors of Salvador in the Conjuração Baiana of 1798, whose demands spelled out in manuscript bulletins were incompatible on their own terms, once the political project of the middle sectors, the militiamen, glimpsed the change of hierarchical social criteria that prevented them from participating in the political world and ascend in the military, and the political project of the upper sector, the corporação dos enteados, aimed at keeping the rules of the Colonial System, which until then was treated as \"enteados\" in the political and economic dynamics of the Portuguese Empire. The documentation shows that the intensification of the colonial pact announced by the modernizing reforms of d. Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho triggered an awareness of colonial exploitation, making new claims of the higher social sectors of Salvador in the late eighteenth century to the internalization of its economic interests and maintain their privileges threatened with the possibility of the end of monopolies, of the morgados, the change in the auction of justice and treasury permissions, and maintaining the extension of auction of tithes to the Portuguese merchants. After a programmatic alliance with the armed contingent of the captaincy of Bahia, the middle and upper sectors of the Partido da Liberdade sparked the movement with the publication of manuscript bulletins, exploring the limits the two main fears on the horizon of expectations of the Portuguese crown at the end of that turbulent century: the mirage of free trade and the french invasion. With the start of the investigations to define the authors of these manuscripts and from participants of the movement, the higher sectors retreated, delivering their slaves to justice and formulating the main proves that condemned to death those men from the middle social sector. These elements allow the analysis of Conjuration Baiana of 1798 as a movement of political contestation that occurred in two phases, during the 1796-1800 period, with the effective participation of upper and middle social sectors of Salvador at the time. The hanging in public square of the defendants of the Conjuração Baiana of 1798, therefore, is paradigmatic of the fact that the winners political project was the conservative, in that sense that the Portuguese crown undertook a series of compromises with the corporação dos enteados, ensuring them to internalize their interests and maintain their privileges, which allows them to constitute the dominant sector of that society, and was fundamental to sustaining the continuance of Portuguese monarchy to govern the conflict within the dominant sectors of its main colony.

This dissertation focuses on three different organizational approaches to introducing change in the Global South. In so doing, it explores how organizations can design and structure 'solutions' for deep-rooted social problems and support marginalized groups who lack voice to speak for themselves. Theoretically, I draw on institutional theory and social movement theory, and it is to these perspectives that my research seeks to contribute. Empirically, my work focuses on Tanzania, Indonesia and Nigeria. Studying how and why three different types of organizational forms - including a social enterprise (Paper 1), a quasi-social movement (Paper 2) and a social movement (Paper 3) - succeeded or failed in their attempts to introduce change in the Global South provides an intriguing opportunity to build new theoretical insights and to shed light on strategic and organizational processes about which relatively little is known.

Carbon capture and storage (CCS) is a technology that is developed with the aim of decreasing the emissions of the greenhouse gas carbon dioxide (CO2) in order to mitigate global climate change. However, citizens strongly oppose the technology in areas where carbon storages are supposed to be constructed. With the help of framing theory, this work analyzes four German anti-CCS citizens’ initiatives. Qualitatively studying publicly available material from their websites, their diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frames on the issue are reconstructed. Guided by a first research question about what frames on CCS are constructed by the citizens’ initiatives, the frames are then compared to each other, showing that political opportunity structures as well as local factors regarding particularly the prevalent type of energy production are taken up to some extent. Systematically retracing the arguments, this study aims on investigating into the connections between local and global issues and interests around CCS. This entails potential for generalization regarding the decision-making process in the area of conflict when society, environment, technology, economic and political actors are involved. Afterwards, a second research question is taken up – the frames’ relation to sustainability. They are discussed in the wider context of sustainable development because of the close connection between the climate change and the sustainability discourse. Moreover, proponents as well as opponents use parts of the sustainability concept for their arguments. This highlights the difficulties of a sustainable decision-making process in which a variety of interests are interwoven and partly contradicting each other. It is concluded that both, comprehensive information and transparent communication, between all actors are the first steps towards a more sustainable decision-making process but that structurally as well as technically more than this is required, especially regarding the acceptance of the outcome. Research on sustainability as an increasingly influential paradigm can pave the way in this regard.

Reform as a social process is underresearched in the case of Tibet. This study addresses this gap using Social Movement Theory, which sees social change as a complex process involving various Tibetan social groups and external reformers, the Communist Party of China (CPC). This approach was applied by comparing recruitment and mobilization efforts of several key internal and external reform movements in 20th century Tibetan history. Findings include that internal reform failures can be explained by their narrow social and geographic basis and limited mass appeal. Moreover, initial CPC reforms succeeded through recruitment and mobilization across Tibetan regions and social groupings. Subsequent reforms failed due to decreased attention to recruitment and mass mobilization of Tibetans. A major implication of the study is that understanding social reform in today’s Tibet requires a SM Theory approach, which currently is lacking among scholars of the Tibetan question and political representatives of both sides.

Reform as a social process is underresearched in the case of Tibet. This study addresses this gap using Social Movement Theory, which sees social change as a complex process involving various Tibetan social groups and external reformers, the Communist Party of China (CPC). This approach was applied by comparing recruitment and mobilization efforts of several key internal and external reform movements in 20th century Tibetan history. Findings include that internal reform failures can be explained by their narrow social and geographic basis and limited mass appeal. Moreover, initial CPC reforms succeeded through recruitment and mobilization across Tibetan regions and social groupings. Subsequent reforms failed due to decreased attention to recruitment and mass mobilization of Tibetans. A major implication of the study is that understanding social reform in today’s Tibet requires a SM Theory approach, which currently is lacking among scholars of the Tibetan question and political representatives of both sides.

Òyötùnjí: The Making of Africans in America examines the impact of self-identification with African culture and the impact it has on African identity within social and Black Nationalist movements. More so than the Civil Rights movement, the Black Nationalist movement has influenced the ways in which African Americans self identified as a group and as individuals. Comprised primarily of African nationalists, Òyötùnjí Village was considered the vanguard in re- introducing the African ideology into Santeria, and giving birth to what is now considered the Ifa/Yoruba tradition. As the intentional community of Òyötùnjí grew, the Ifa tradition spread as well because of its porous population. To explore the relationship between identity and social movements, this paper examines the motivation behind the formation of Òyötùnjí Village and the formation of an independent community.

The history of the United States is one of racial division and conquest. People of color have employed every method of resistance available to them to defend themselves against white racist aggression. Large political coalitions among racially oppressed groups have been relatively rare in United States' history. Political scientists and sociologists have revised downward early predictions of coalitions among these groups. Most contemporary social science details the problems confronting interracial alliances but do not detail empirically supported solutions. This thesis fills the gap in the literature by analyzing two interracial political campaigns in Houston, Texas. In so doing, I use extended case method and grounded theory to define the organizational structures, ideologies, and political climates that skillful organizers have used to successfully launch and maintain political coalitions among African Americans, Latinos, and whites. Through participant observation, in-depth interviewing with organizers from Justice for Janitors campaigns in 1986 and 2006, and content analysis, I extend social movements and critical race literatures. The thesis extends Bell's interest convergence theory to include struggles for civil and economic rights conducted in the new millennium primarily in support of Latinos. Contrary to the political process model and in support of interest convergence theory, I find that Justice for Janitors campaign outcomes depended on whether white policymakers clearly saw whites' interests in supporting racial justice. Even with similar political climates, organizers' achieved success through sacrificing Latina janitors' racialized interests to bring union demands into agreement with white policymakers' goals. This case study gives close attention to one aspect of the union's negotiations of the 2006 political climate, namely the union's careful framing of the movement to minimize discussions of race in a white racist context. Finally, this thesis also looks inside the movement and analyzes the roles that personal racial ideology and organizational structure played in the trajectory of the 2006 campaign. I conclude with a discussion of interracial political coalitions and what lessons future organizers and aggrieved parties can learn from Justice for Janitors' efforts in Houston, Texas.

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