Literary scholars have been examining and recreating the experiences of “bonded” female characters within Toni Morrison’s novels for decades. However, the distinct experiences of these enslaved women, that are also mothers have not been astutely examined by scholars and deserves more attention. My thesis fleshes out the characterization of several of Morrison’s bonded-mothers and identifies them as a part of a developing controlling image and theory, called the bondmother. Situating these characters within this category allows readers to trace their journeys towards freedom and personal redemption. This character tracing will occur by examining the following Toni Morrison novels: Beloved (1987) and Paradise (1997). In order to fully examine the experiences of these characters it will be necessary for me to expand the definition of bondage and mother. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2016. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

司徒國健. / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1999. / 參考文獻 (leaves 324-342). / 附中英文摘要. / Situ Guojian. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)-- Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 324-342). / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 序說 --- p.1-11 / Chapter 第壹節、 --- 硏究緣起 --- p.1 / Chapter 0.1.1 --- 硏究範圍 / Chapter 0.1.2 --- 硏究緣起 / Chapter 0.1.3 --- 學術意義與硏究價値 / Chapter 第貳節、 --- 硏究資料簡介 --- p.6 / Chapter 第參節、 --- 本文結構 --- p.8 / 上篇 / Chapter 第一章 --- 引論 --- p.12-37 / Chapter 第壹節、 --- 晚明學術思想與文學思潮 --- p.12 / Chapter 1.1.1 --- 晚明學術思想與文學思潮之遞變 / Chapter 1.1.2 --- 東林講學與經世文論 / Chapter 1.1.3 --- 文人集團與明季黨社之特質 / Chapter 第貳節、 --- 明淸之際經世思潮及「經世」詩說 --- p.20 / Chapter 1.2.1 --- 經世之學與文學經世 / Chapter 1.2.2 --- 陳子龍經世之學與「經世」詩說 / Chapter 第參節、 --- 明代詩學與陳子龍詩說 --- p.24 / Chapter 1.3.1 --- 明代詩壇與文學復古思潮 / Chapter 1.3.2 --- 陳子龍不執囿於詩法 / Chapter 第肆節、 --- 幾社文學與陳子龍「經世」詩說 --- p.29 / Chapter 1.4.1 --- 幾社詩風 / Chapter 1.4.2 --- 幾社文風與「縱橫家」、「詩教」與「經世」詩說 / Chapter 第伍節、 --- 《皇明詩選》與陳子龍詩說 --- p.33 / Chapter 第陸節、 --- 結語 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二章 --- 陳子龍生平、「經世」思想 與詩學源流 --- p.38-59 / Chapter 第壹節、 --- 陳子龍生平簡介 --- p.38 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- 傳略 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- 陳子龍之殉節 / Chapter 第貳節、 --- 陳子龍經世思想 --- p.43 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- 陳子龍經世思想源流說略 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- 陳子龍文學思想 / Chapter 第參節、 --- 陳子龍詩學源流考述 --- p.47 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- 陳子龍詩學地位及評價 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- 辨陳子龍「繼『明七子』模擬」 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- 陳子龍與艾南英「婁江之辯」考 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- 陳子龍兼備眾體 / Chapter 第肆節、 --- 陳子龍之交遊與其詩學淵源 --- p.56 / Chapter 第伍節、 --- 結語 --- p.58 / Chapter 第三章 --- 陳子龍「經世」詩說 與明季黨社之淵源 --- p.60-82 / Chapter 第壹節、 --- 幾社之質性及與東林、復社之淵源 --- p.60 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- 綜說 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- 明末文社之議政性質 / Chapter 第貳節、 --- 幾社之「古學」與「復古」 --- p.65 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- 明代「古學」槪說 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- 明季「古學」與幾社、復社之「復古」 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- 幾社之復興「絶學」與「尊經復古」之文學觀 / Chapter 第參節、 --- 幾社之名義與陳子龍文學「復古」 之淵源 --- p.74 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- 幾社名義與《易》學經世 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- 陳子龍「文學復古」與《易》之「變」 / Chapter 第肆節、 --- 結語 --- p.81 / Chapter 第四章 --- 陳子龍「經世」詩說之特質 --- p.83-129 / Chapter 第壹節、 --- 「經世」詩說之名義 --- p.83 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- 釋名義 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- 「經世」詩說與淸初經世詩風 / Chapter 第貳節、 --- 綜論「經世」詩說之特質 --- p.85 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 「經世」詩說之「復古」 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 「宗經」與「重質不輕文」之詩旨 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- 「文學基準」與「〈大雅〉之音」 / Chapter 第參節、 --- 「經世」詩說中詩之功用（上） --- p.91 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- 以「宣導盛美」、「頌規褒刺」爲詩之用 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- 以「憂時託志」、「刺譏當時」爲詩之用 / Chapter 第肆節、 --- 「經世」詩說中詩之功用（下） -「經世」詩說中詩歌與世運，與竟陵「亡國之音」 --- p.96 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- 槪說 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- 明季風俗之壞與禮教之關係 / Chapter 4.4.3 --- 「經世」詩說中詩歌與世運，與竟陵「亡國之音」 / Chapter 第伍節、 --- 「經世」詩說中之「情」 --- p.105 / Chapter 4.5.1 --- 「一情」與「眾情」 / Chapter 4.5.2 --- 陳子龍之「情」與「經世」詩說之「情」 / Chapter 第陸節、 --- 「經世」詩說中之「法」 --- p.115 / Chapter 4.6.1 --- 輕「詩法」，以「宗經」爲不易之「法」 / Chapter 4.6.2 --- 以《詩經》爲「法」 / Chapter 4.6.3 --- 以「比、興」爲「法」 / Chapter 第柒節、 --- 「經世」詩說與「雖頌皆刺」 --- p.123 / Chapter 4.7.1 --- 濫觴 / Chapter 4.7.2 --- 「雖頌皆刺」說釋論 / Chapter 第捌節、 --- 結語 --- p.128 / 下篇 / Chapter 第五章 --- 《皇明詩選》綜論 --- p.130-185 / Chapter 第壹節、 --- 《皇明詩選》編纂動機 與「經世之學」之淵源 --- p.130 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- 槪說 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- 明季淸初「經世致用」思潮與文學選本 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- 《皇明詩選》之編纂宗旨與經世致用之學 / Chapter 5.1.4 --- 《皇明詩選》與《皇明經世文編》及陳子龍經世 著述之淵源 / Chapter 第貳節、 --- 《皇明詩選》版本考述 --- p.145 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- 綜述 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- 《皇明詩選》諸本比義 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- 小結 / Chapter 第參節、 --- 《皇明詩選》編者生平簡介 --- p.153 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- 雲間三子 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- 夏完淳 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- 徐孚遠 / Chapter 第肆節、 --- 結語 --- p.162 / 〔第五章附論〕：《皇明詩選》編纂諸問題 --- p.164-185 / Chapter 5.5.1 --- 《皇明詩選》編纂徵實 / Chapter 5.5.2 --- 「夏完淳校定《皇明詩選》說」考辨 / Chapter 5.5.3 --- 《皇明詩選》之流傳及其附帶問題 / Chapter 5.5.5 --- 《皇明詩選》與明思宗 / Chapter 第六章 --- 《皇明詩選》詩集結構及 其「格調」與「宗主」觀 --- p.186-207 / Chapter 第壹節、 --- 綜論 --- p.186 / Chapter 第貳節、 --- 《皇明詩選》體例與詩集結構 --- p.187 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- 復古派之詩集結構 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- 《皇明詩選》體例與詩集結構 / Chapter 第參節、 --- 《皇明詩選》「格調」說 --- p.190 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- 「格調」釋義 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- 「格調」觀與復古派 / Chapter 6.3.3 --- 《皇明詩選》所見陳子龍「格調」觀 / Chapter 第肆節、 --- 《皇明詩選》「宗主」觀 --- p.195 / Chapter 6.4.1 --- 「文學宗主」釋義與「格調」觀之關係 / Chapter 6.4.2 --- 《皇明詩選》對明代「宗主」論之承繼 / Chapter 6.4.3 --- 《皇明詩選》「宗主」觀之特色 / Chapter 第伍節、 --- 結語 --- p.207 / Chapter 第七章 --- 從「經世」詩說析論 《皇明詩選》 --- p.208-247 / Chapter 第壹節、 --- 引言 --- p.208 / Chapter 第貳節、 --- 釆詩觀風，以正得失 --- p.209 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- 綜論 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- 選詩舉隅 / Chapter 第參節、 --- 選詩以存史，明善惡以繩當世 --- p.216 / Chapter 7.3.1 --- 侖 / Chapter 7.3.2 --- 選詩舉隅 / Chapter 第肆節、 --- 張溫柔敦厚之旨，以致王者之治 --- p.233 / Chapter 7.4.1 --- 綜論 / Chapter 7.4.2 --- 選詩舉隅 / Chapter 第伍節、 --- 結語 --- p.246 / Chapter 第八章 --- 結論 --- p.248-251 / 附錄 / 《皇明詩選》原〈序〉全文 --- p.252-256 / 附表 --- p.257-315 / Chapter 一、 --- 《皇明詩選》篇目總表 / Chapter 二、 --- 《皇明詩選》詩體統計表（甲） / Chapter 三、 --- 《皇明詩選》詩體統計表（乙） / Chapter 四、 --- 陳子龍評點《皇明詩選》總表 / Chapter 五、 --- 當代《皇明詩選》善本舉隅表 / Chapter 六、 --- 淸以來書目所見《皇明詩選》舉隅表 / Chapter 七、 --- 《皇明詩選》編纂紀事年月表 / Chapter 八、 --- 《皇明詩選》詩人被禁文集 及著作舉隅表 / Chapter 九、 --- 《皇明詩選》《皇明經世文編》作者比較表 / 附圖 --- p.316-323 / 參考書目 --- p.324-342

I also argue that the structure and the content of Records of Practical Government was much influenced by Qiu Jun's (1421-1495) Daxue yanyi bu (Supplement to the Extension of the Great Learning), which initiated the tradition of systematic statecraft writing in the Ming. However, because Lu and Qiu lived in different eras and had different social backgrounds and official status, they addressed same issues at different levels in their books. The Daxue yanyi bu was written as a reference for the emperors and officials and as a blueprint for political reform to be initiated by the court. What it deals with are national administrative structures and large social issues. The Records of Practical Government only deals with practical matters from the viewpoint of local officials. Providing guidance to provincial officials at different ranks, it was meant to be a guide to local governance. / I further argue that an immediate reason for Lu's desire to improve local governance was the impact of Zhang Juzheng's political reforms. When Lu became an official, he was involved in the decade-long reforms initiated by Zhang. Zhang was Lu's spiritual guide, although while Zhang's reforms involved officials at different levels, Lu's only concerned local and provincial administrative officials. / In later times, Lu Kun's statecraft thought spread mainly through publication of his books. His ideas on government were well recognized in the Qing dynasty. He was canonized in the Confucian temple in 1826 and considered an accomplished thinker and scholar of practical learning. / Lu Kun was a famous Confucian scholar-official of the late Ming Dynasty. As a magistrate of Xiangyuan and Datong counties of Shanxi province and as a Vice Minister of Justice, he was highly praised by people he governed and by fellow officials of his times because of his uprightness and able administration. This dissertation focuses on the characteristics of Lu Kun's (1536-1618) statecraft thought by analyzing his important work. Records of Practical Government (Shizheng lu), and his understanding of the relationship between the Wanli emperor (reigned 1563-1620) and his officials. / The Records of Practical Government, compiled after Lu retired, is a corpus of official documents Lu wrote and announced when he was an official in Shanxi. These documents reflect his administrative experience and the local custom of places he governed. They also reveal Lu's understanding of local affairs, his emphasis on the responsibility of an official and his design for the strengthening of that. Lu, however, was unable to realize much what he proposed in the Records of Practical Government . His regulations were too detailed and complicated, and his language somewhat harsh, that they were difficult to be observed. / The research also shows Lu's personal understanding and handling of the relationship between the Wanli emperor and his officials, which likewise reveals Lu's statecraft thought. Lu was prudent enough to be able to maintain good terms with Wanli for a smooth discharge of his official responsibility. But when Lu was forced to resign in disillusion during the contention for the confirmation of an heir-apparent, he turned to support officials who left office as a protest to the emperor. / 解揚. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2007. / 參考文獻(p. 391-448). / Adviser: Hung-lam Chu. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-02, Section: A, page: 0714. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. / Can kao wen xian (p. 391-448). / Xie Yang.

In 1923 Qu Qiu-bai returned from Soviet Russia to China and gradually aligned himself with the power nucleus of Chinese Communist Party as an important political theorist within the Party. Much of the polyphonic elements exemplary in Qu's thoughts, as seen in his earlier writings, had given way noticeably. As purported by mainstream academic queries, Qu's metamorphosis into a Bolshevik had often been accounted for his nevertheless brief stay at the Soviet Russia. The present study, however, confers a dissimilar view in attempting to locate the polyphonic registers in Qu's thoughts. It is found that Qu's thoughts had been characterized by a strong sense of polyphonic nature throughout, whether in his earlier or later works. / In resembling the overlooked complexity of Qu's thoughts, Chapter 3 goes on to inquire how Qu's construction of subjectivity is determined by his specific perspective of history---one which comprised of a synthesis of Creative Evolutionism and Dialectic Materialism. Such construction of subjectivity is important in understanding Qu's contested presence and agency in revolutionary political situations of the early 20th century. Chapter 3.1, thereafter, locates the relevance of Qu's construction of subjectivity to his notion of "orphan pushed away from track" in a re-reading of his widely acknowledged essay "Preface to Lu Xun's Collected Essays." This reading is coupled with a discussion of Qu's "Travel Notes on New Russia" through which Qu's specifications of "suicide" and spatial imagery of the heterotopias will be expounded. Working upon research outcome of this coupled query, a close reading of Qu's confessional note "Superfluous Words" will serves to elucidate Qu's proposition of a negated subjectivity. Chapter 3.4 gives a comparative analysis of the later political lives of Qu and Nikolai Bukharin. It attempts to establish that the outright negation of subjectivity is an implicit tendency in historical materialism. Lastly, Chapter 4 attempts to illustrate Qu's revolutionary subjectivity and his specific notion of pendulum time in recourse to the tropes of pendulum movements: "Revolution/Work," and "Love/Freedom." / The study begins with a topic of research that mainstream academic queries left mostly unanswered: namely, Qu's appropriations of Bergonism, the Yogacara School and Anarchism exemplary in his early writings. This line of query delineates how the 3 major traditions of thoughts compositely engaged Qu in his approach of Bolshevik political practices and Dialectic Materialism. On the basis of this, the study further examines the trajectory how Qu observed in his endorsement of Dialectic Materialism over Bergon's Creative Evolutionism (L'evolution Cretienne). The study also finds that such a pendulum movement from Philosophy of Life towards Dialectic Materialism largely concurred the thoughts and discourses of Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, a contemporary of Qu. Following this, the study compares the two men's notions and problematic of "the Intellectuals". A comparative analysis of Qu's theorization of the "Historical Tool" and Gramsci's "The Modern Prince" is offered at this part of study. / 張歷君. / Adviser: Lee Ou-Fan; Wang Wai Ching. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-08, Section: A, page: 3146. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 243-256). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Zhang Lijun.

Furthermore, the present research is going to indicate that many historians and theologians have failed to take serious the diasporic context when articulating their concepts of traditional Chinese culture and of the Chinese identity. In fact, Xie Fuya, as a diasporic Chinese after 1949, did not define his Chinese identity and the Chinese culture in territorial or political terms. Instead, he shared the viewpoints of those overseas Chinese who were struggling to survive in diasporic contexts. And his diasporic experience and horizon generated a critical understanding of Chinese culture and indigenous theology as well as their relationship. Even now, some scholars in Mainland China continue to emphasize that indigenous theology should be understood, discussed and applied within the social, political and cultural contexts of Mainland China only. However, their understandings of Chinese culture and Chinese identity, as well as the related methodology of indigenous theology they have employed, need to be examined critically. / In addition, the thesis will argue that this diasporic identity constitutes a significant ingredient of Xie Fuya's indigenous theology and contributes to Xie's new understanding of his own indigenous theology of Christianity in a post-1949 diasporic environment. Xie's indigenous theology, especially his theological method, aroused furious discussion among Chinese Christian intellectuals in and after the 1960s. Such discourse was identified as a significant break of historical continuity between the past generation and the next of Chinese Christian intellectuals in Hong Kong. / The present research aims at pointing out that the relevant historical materials do not support the above conclusions-that Xie Fuya did not concern the social and political situation of his homeland and indwelling place(s). In fact, historical evidences show that Xie as an indigenous theologian, not only spent time on bridging the relation between Christian message and Chinese culture, but also paid much effort in social construction and political participation. All these were done both before and after 1949. / The present thesis aims at investigating how the Chinese Christian intellectual Xie Fuya, responded to a diasporic movement resulting from the drastic political change of China in and after 1949. He tried to construct a unique and new identity that he had never had before-an identity that helped him to face the diasporic environment and generated a new horizon of his understanding of his faith. Showing the contents of this identity; the thesis illustrates how unique Xie's diasporic identity was expressed in the community of Chinese intellectuals and Chinese Christians during the 1950s and 1960s. That identity could not have been created, experienced and articulated by any Chinese and Christians inside Mainland China at that time. / The significance of this research does not only rest in its showing that a significant and important figure like Xie Fuya has been neglected in the historical and theological studies of Chinese Christianity in the past; it is significant also because it discloses how the thought behind the identities of a diasporic Chinese and Chinese Christian bears significance in a historical context and contributes to a new understanding of the Chinese identity, the Chinese culture and indigenous theology from a different perspective---which is different from the past and is closely related to cultural, anthropological and theological studies of our times. / The thesis will argue that it is Xie Fuya's experience of being forced to leave his homeland and the reflection of his Christian thought and experience that helped formulate his diasporic identity. Furthermore, both the fate of Chinese overseas in different areas because of the change of international politics, and the understanding of his own ethnicity and culture through the discourse among the Chinese intellectuals in Hong Kong, helped reinforce the articulation of that dislocating identity. / Xie Fuya (1892-1991), one of the most prolific Chinese theologians of the 20th century, has so far been largely ignored in the historical or theological studies of Chinese Christianity. Even worse, Xie Fuya has been seriously misunderstood by some historians of Chinese Christianity. Some of them labeled him as a representative of the indigenous theologians who focused exclusively on the relation between Christianity and Chinese culture without any concern for the relevance of the Christian message to the contemporary social change. Some stereotyped him as one of the Chinese Christians who made a far-fetched comparison between Chinese culture and Christianity. However, these prevailing paradigmatic "conclusions" on Xie Fuya are not properly based on in-depth historical investigation and the derived theological criticisms were merely built on some a-historical assumptions. / 何慶昌. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(p. 282-307). / Adviser: Pan-Chiu Lai. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0607. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (p. 282-307). / He Qingchang.

This dissertation re-examines a set of long-standing problems that arise from Aristotle’s defense of kingship in the Politics. Scholars have argued for over a century that Aristotle’s endorsement of sole rule by an individual of outstanding excellence is incompatible with his theory of distributive justice and his very conception of a political community. Previous attempts to resolve this apparent contradiction have failed to ease the deeper tensions between the idea of the polis as a community of free and equal citizens sharing in ruling and being ruled and the vision of absolute kingship in which one man rules over others who are merely ruled. I argue that the so-called “paradox of monarchy” emerges from misconceptions and insufficiently nuanced interpretations of kingship itself and of the more fundamental concepts of community, rule, authority, and citizenship. Properly understood, Aristotelian kingship is not a form of government that concentrates power in the hands of a single individual, but an arrangement in which free citizens willingly invest that individual with a position of supreme authority without themselves ceasing to share in rule. Rather than a muddled appendage tacked on to the Politics out of deference to Macedon or an uncritical adoption of Platonic utopianism, Aristotle’s defense of kingship is a piece of ideal theory that serves in part to undermine the pretensions of actual or would-be monarchs, whether warrior- or philosopher-kings. / text

This thesis takes as its starting point the consensus among scholars and interpreters of Joseph Roth’s work that his writing can be divided into two periods: an early “socialist” phase and a later “monarchist” phase. In opposition to this view, a reading of Roth’s novels is put forward in which his desire to make sense of post-Habsburg Central Europe provides the underlying logic, thus reconciling his early novels with Radetzkymarsch and Die Kapuzinergruft. The first chapter addresses the common contention that the transformation in Roth’s work is the result of a deep identity crisis. An alternative reading of the relevance of Roth’s identity to his work is offered: namely, that Roth’s conviction that identity is multivalent explains his rejection of both nationalism and other “solutions” to the problems of post-war Europe, a sentiment that finds expression in his early novels. The interpretation of these novels, which represent Roth’s early attempts to give literary form to contemporary reality, is the focus of the second chapter of the thesis. In the third chapter Radetzkymarsch is analyzed as a historical novel in the terms first proposed by Georg Lukács, as a novel which facilitates the understanding of the present through the portrayal of the past. Paradoxically, it is the historical form that most effectively captures and illuminates the complex reality of Roth’s contemporary times. The fourth and final chapter demonstrates that Die Kapuzinergruft is not simply an inferior sequel to Radetzkymarsch, a nostalgic evocation of an idealized lost Habsburg world and condemnation of the 1930s present, but rather continues the dialogue between past and present begun in Radetzkymarsch. In this novel, written before and in the immediate aftermath of the Anschluß of Austria to Nazi Germany, it is not Roth but his narrator who takes flight from reality, behaviour that Roth condemns as leading to the repetition of mistakes from the past and the failure to prevent the ultimate political catastrophe.

Edmund Waller, William Davenant, Andrew Marvell, and Abraham Cowley were royalist poets who changed sides following the English Revolution, attracted to Cromwellian military power, and the reforming aims of the Independents. This thesis contributes to existing scholarship by showing that the poets engaged strongly with theories of allegiance, self-consciously returning to first principles - the natures of sovereignty and obligation - to develop a concept of allegiance that was contingent and transferrable. Their crucial influence was Hobbes. Hobbes collapsed partisan perspectives into a general theory of sovereignty constituted by a de facto protective and coercive power; this was grounded on a psychological analysis of humans' restless appetite for power. The poets' approach to Hobbes was crucially mediated by Machiavelli, who provided a less abstract account of the relationship between individual agency and collective institutions, and whose concept of virtù offered a model for how restless ambition could be harnessed to political order. An introductory chapter sketches out the intellectual background to this body of theory and reflects on the methods used to show how the poets dramatized it in their works. Chapter two considers the disintegration of Waller's courtly poetry under the pressure of civil war, and his resulting turn to rationalist theory. Chapters three and four focus on the immediate aftermath of the revolution, considering the synthesis of Hobbes' and Machiavelli's theories of military power ventured by Davenant, and the influence of Davenant's ideas on Marvell's Machiavellianism. Chapter five focuses on Cowley and his more religiously-inflected account of Hobbesian psychology and political obligations. Chapter six asks how the poets responded to the Restoration of Charles II, and in particular charts their influence on the younger poet John Dryden. With their emphasis on materialist psychology, the turncoat poets abandoned allegory in favour of a mode of dramatization which observed the contingent circumstances in which allegiances could be generated, dissolved, and transferred. They possessed a political conservatism, but a conceptual radicalism which presented a serious challenge to Anglican and constitutionalist discourses of Stuart monarchy.

'The Politics of Place in the Work of Hugh MacDiarmid' argues that there is no fundamental contradiction in MacDiarmid's politics, his Scottish nationalism and international communism issuing in a radical Scottish Republicanism that synchronizes the local and universal, seeking to unify the cultural and political divisions of Scotland. This thesis suggests that MacDiarmid challenges the metropolitan location of culture through a provincialist poetry and politics energized and exasperated by intimate relationship with home. It analyses the connections between MacDiarmid's ideological valorization of difference and the Scottish places from which his politics evolve. Chapter One suggests that modem Scottish cultural politics is still thirled to the imperialistic dualities of the metropolitan Scottish Enlightenment. MacDiarmid's strategic essentialism reasserts an autonomous cultural and political practice that aims to make Scotland whole. The chapter traces MacDiarmid's communism to his defiance of the churchy parochialism of Langholm. Using uncollected newspaper material, Chapters Two and Three illustrate the internationalism of MacDiarmid's localism in Montrose and Whalsay. From examining how engagement with specific places shapes MacDiarmid's politics. Chapter Four returns to analysis of the ideological construction of Scotland. The chapter explores how education has formed ideas of Scotland crucial to its political position and bound up with the specialized Scottish educational system's suppression of a Scottish Republican tradition, whose energies MacDiarmid uncovers and endeavours to release through an autodidactic generalism. Prioritizing this particularity of local culture. Chapter Five argues that the apparent contradictions in the modernist MacDiarmid's politics are best understood in terms of global capitalism's construction of mass culture, a division of labour he opposes through an internationalist poetry of generalist knowledge. This thesis finds theoretical alliance with the internationalism of Marxism and postcolonialism, synthesizing these with an autochthonous critical apparatus, declaring Hugh MacDiarmid a major modem component of a tradition of radical Scottish Republicanism.

Evaluating the effectiveness of Thabo Mbeki’s political mediation in the Zimbabwean conflict of 2008, following a disputed election outcome, is the principal objective of this study. The Ripeness Theory of mediation and conflict resolution that was proposed by William Zartman and developed by other scholars is deployed as the theoretical framework of the study. The principal measure of the effectiveness of mediation lies in its success in resolving conflict in a sustainable manner. There is consensus in conflict resolution scholarship that the post-cold war era has witnessed a marked shift of conflicts from the inter-state scene to the intra-state domain, such as the one in Zimbabwe, 2008. This shift has brought with it increasing attention to issues of human security, human rights and democratisation in mediation and conflict resolution. As a result, a compelling need for the effective resolution of such conflicts, and guarantee of the enforcement of human rights, security and promotion of democratisation as part of mediation, has arisen. There is also a general acceptance, amongst scholars, that the success of mediation goes beyond the signing of mediated agreements as often case conflict has re-ignited after the signing of peace agreements. For that reason, the argument that mediation is counter-productive as it often puts a lid on the can of conflict without resolving the underlying conflict issues has achieved currency. There is therefore a general convergence of views in mediation literature that addressing the structural causes of disputes guarantees the sustainable resolution of conflict. It is in the context of these developments and views in international relations and politics that this study evaluates, using the Ripeness Theory, its limits noted, the effectiveness of Thabo Mbeki’s mediation in Zimbabwe, and the argument is advanced that often case mediated agreements are not effective mechanisms for the sustainable resolution of conflict and the achievement of democratisation and durable peace. Civil society groups need to be involved to expand the scope of negotiations and limit effects of mediator partiality. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)