John Lesley saw himself as a humanist, devoted to the common weal and especially to his Queen; to others he was `a busie man', `seed-man of all treasons'. Educated in the Renaissance Scotland of James V and trained in France for a career in the law and the Church, he was `a great doer' with Queen Mary and, briefly, at the heart of government in Scotland, as Lord of Session, Bishop and trusted Counsellor. In 1568 his priorities were transformed. Charged with defending Mary's innocence at York and her interests at the court of Elizabeth, he failed to secure her rehabilitation in Scotland or her release from England. What he could not do in court by his pleading he attempted to do, covertly, by his pen, in an attempt to convince the English nobility and the Spanish King that Mary was Elizabeth's natural heir, in no way disqualified by her own character and conduct or her gender or by English laws of succession. These three topics and Lesley's handling of them are discussed in Chapters Two to Four. Chapter One uses his own, often mutually contradictory, accounts of these years to indicate the circumstances in which his polemic, and the Histories discussed in Chapter Six, were composed. Chapter Five argues that A Treatise of Treasons should not be ascribed to him. In the past century, Lesley has attracted little notice, usually overshadowed by stronger or more flamboyant characters; from his writings, Mary's `learned and most faithful servant' can appear to have the consistency of a chameleon. This study is concerned with his political works, in Latin, Scots and English; it tries to explain those discrepancies which it cannot reconcile, and to examine Lesley's ideas, and their influence, on political issues which included resistance, union with England and the rights of women.

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This thesis seeks to provide a political context for the philosophical work of the third earl of Shaftesbury. A biographical framework is adopted which details Shaftesbury's political interests, both inside and outside parliament. In attempting to trace the links between his political life and his philosophical ideas particular attention is given to Shaftesbury's debt to his tutor, Locke, as well as to the importance of his visits to the Netherlands. Shaftesbury's connections with radical whig politicians at the end of the seventeenth century are also investigated: they are an indication of his interest in practical political issues. The main argument of the thesis is that Shaftesbury's published work is fully comprehensible only if this political context is taken into account. By concentrating solely on his importance in the history of moral or aesthetic philosophy scholars have effectively removed the political cutting-edge from Shaftesbury's work. It was precisely because Shaftesbury was aware of the political implications of his moral and aesthetic philosophy that he was such a controversial social critic in his own day. The originality of the thesis lies in the presentation of a more complete biography of Shaftesbury than has previously been attempted. Although the Shaftesbury papers in London are the major source for the thesis, other material has been consulted, including manuscripts in the Netherlands, which gives a fuller picture of the circles in which he moved. Shaftesbury was not an important politician, but his strong political concerns need to be emphasised before his thought can be understood: politics and philosophy were continuous for him.

This thesis discusses Mark Twain as a political satirist in Nevada and during the Gilded Age. There are also chapters covering Politics and Slavery, Democracy and Monarchy, as well as Imperialism and War.

This study presents the major ideas of Mahatma Gandhi on social stratification and social inequality. The methodology consists of systematically reading and analyzing the literature through which the theoretical components of social stratification in Gandhi's writings become more explicit, and evaluating these theoretical components. A systematic statement of Gandhi's theory of social stratification included the following five components. First, social differentiation is inherent in human nature. Gandhi believed in the universality of social differentiations and was convinced that societies were organized into the divisions on the basis of vocations. Second, relations among strata imply that a division of labor is essential for the stability and organization of society. Gandhi also implied that this division of labor is necessary and functional. Third, normative patterns establish traditions of heredity. To Gandhi, the four divisions in society defined a person's "calling" which is essential for social organization. Fourth, the system of stratification is the universal law that everyone is obliged to follow. Gandhi tried to legitimize social stratification through moral and religious values of the society. Fifth, social stratification system defines duties only and does not confer any privileges. To Gandhi, the divisions of people into strata was the best possible adjustment of social stability and progress. While accepting some form of social stratification for the benefit of total funcioning of the society, Gandhi refused to accept that social inequality necessarily grows out of the process of social stratification. To maintain the hereditary law of social stratification and reduce the inequality, Gandhi suggested the abolition of the present caste system and the revival of four orders of social organization, the removal of the concept of untouchability, the regulation of trusteeship, decentralization of power, the increase of women's status, and vocational education for all.

It is the aim of this thesis to discuss Martin Luther as a political philosopher of authoritarianism as revealed in his writings. Although he advocated the separation of faith and reason, Luther's political sphere includes the omnipotence and authority of God. Given this factor, the religious elements of calling, faith, and love become political manifestations. This polity effects a state in which the citizen must find spiritual and civic fulfillment within a secular existence. The possible affinity of Luther with such political philosophers as Aquinas, Machiavelli, Locke, Rousseau and Marx is briefly examined. Luther's authoritarian attitude and its implications for public and political life are his legacy to the evolution of the modern nation-state.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1986 S55 / Master of Arts / History

M.A. (Communication) / The two research questions explored in this study are: a) What is the potential effectiveness of Mandela's rhetorical choices in the light of the primary and media audiences and the situation, in the selected speeches and visual material? b) What rhetorical shifts occurred in the speeches delivered between 1990 and 1994? In view of the fact that this study is political in nature and falls within the parameters of political communication, the field of political communication as it relates to rhetoric and public speaking specifically, was discussed. The nucleus of Aristotle's theory of rhetoric was discussed in conjunction with modern theories and research, with the purpose of establishing theoretical grounds for effective political oratory. To explore the two research questions, the neo-Aristotelian model of rhetorical criticism was utilised. By using this model it was possible to measure the effectiveness or potential effectiveness of Nelson Mandela's choice of strategy in the series of speeches and visual material selected. The model also prescribes a methodology whereby the important variables in political oratory are measured, including language, the credibility of the speaker, emotional strategies, logical argumentation, organisation and nonverbal behaviour. For purposes of evaluation the model prescribes an ideal model of persuasion. The ancient and modern rhetorical theory discussed in the study was utilised to construct standards by which Mandela's speeches were evaluated. The model also enabled the critic to focus on the speaker, Nelson Mandela and his political messages, while considering the rhetorical transaction, including the audiences and situation as a whole. The primary audience considered in this study consists of the mainly black supporters of the ANC who received Mandela's political messages at mass rallies. It was determined that this audience had a positive orientation towards the speaker, his messages and the ANC. Important national media audiences were also fsolated and include Whites, Indians, Coloureds, the IFP and the PAC. These audiences maintained a more negative orientation towards the speaker, his messages and the ANC. The international community in general was also considered.

Thesis advisor: Susan M. Shell / Title: Martin Heidegger's Critique of Freedom Author: Charles Robinson Advisor: Professor Susan Shell Boston College Political Science Department This is a study of thought and politics of Martin Heidegger. It presents an examination of his understanding of freedom, principally as he expressed it in Being and Time, but also considers some of his subsequent essays and lectures, as well as his Rectorate Address. Ever since Heidegger's public embrace of National Socialism, his defenders and critics have argued about the possible relation between his thinking and his infamous political commitments. While many of his critics have linked his commitments to an alleged lack of understanding of freedom, some of his scholarly defenders have sought to present interpretations of his concept of freedom at odds with his infamous politics, in order to separate his thought from any association with Nazism. The conclusions of these critics and defenders of Heidegger are both mistaken: in Being and Time Heidegger sought the meaning of being in the authentic experience of human self-determination revealed by the conscience, which he worked out as "forward running resolve." It was this militant concept of freedom that grounded his project for a destined community of battle to be championed by a free corps of freedom fighters, and led him to embrace, in the very name of freedom, the tyranny of Hitler's new Reich. The study of Heidegger's concept of authentic freedom reveals that, far from lacking any understanding of freedom, it was rather a central theme and concern of his philosophical efforts, and that his infamous political commitments were indeed its necessary and coherent practical consequence. Heidegger's thought thus poses a more trenchant and pressing challenge to liberal (and leftist) politics than many of his critics and defenders appreciate. There have been comparatively few sustained thematic treatments of Heidegger's understanding of freedom in English. This study accordingly hopes to contribute to an understanding of this central theme of Heidegger's philosophical efforts, which not only reveals their necessary connection to his politics, but also promises to improve our access to the coherent intelligibility of his thought as a whole. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

In the twentieth century the debate over the ideological origins of the founding period and early republic has resulted in a polarization of historical interpretations. Recently, the conflict has centered on historians who use either the liberal or classical republican paradigms to explain these eras. Scholars of the founding period have argued for the dominance of one political ideology or the other in the thought of important figures of this time. Unfortunately, this struggle has led to a narrow interpretation of arguably the greatest thinker in American History, James Madison. To the contrary, I hold Madison's thought was influenced by both liberal and classical republican ideas, and in this thesis I explore that interpretation.