The most comm.on academic interest in Mahatma Gandhi centers around the theory and practice of Satyagraha. This thesis departs, in part, from this because it focuses upon the Satyagrahi. Every Satyagraha presupposes a Satyagrahi. Mahatma Gandhi was a Satyagrahi -a being in quest of truth. This quest consisted of two major components: the experiential and the existential. Ethics formed the basis of Gandhi's experiential quest, while political existence provided the forum in which he could experiment with his beliefs and convictions. Satyagraha was, therefore, a direct consequence of this intimate relationship between experience and existence. What is significant about Gandhi is that he did not dissociate his spiritual search from the struggle for political justice. He aimed at harmonizing the two seemingly opposite but complementary aspects of life into a meaningful whole -the ideal with the practical, the rational with the emotional and the religious with the secular. This study emphasizes the qualities of a disciplined Satyagrahi rather than the techniques of Satyagraha because the essence of the Satyagrahic struggle is rooted in the nature of the Satyagrahi. In effect, this thesis argues that all revolutions rest fundamentally on the quality of the revolutionary since the nature of any protest is bound to be determined by those who wage it. This is more acute in Satyagraha because it is the true expression of a conscious being. A Satyagrahi is a conscious entity in the highest sense. The unity of his life and thought conditions the purity of his means. Whereas most revolutionaries aim at transforming the "outer", a Satyagrahi concentrates on the "inner" in the hope of bringing about change through "self" transformation. No such change can be possible unless the Satyagrahi himself transcends the narrow limits of cognition -the exoteric and the esoteric aspects of experience. Chapter I and II are devoted to exploring the metaphysical foundations of Gandhi's tradition. They elaborate upon those aspects of the philosophical thought of India which are relevant to a Satyagrahi's understanding. Chapter III discusses and analyses the two complementary components of Satyagraha -the experiential and the existential. Chapter IV examines the way Gandhi's contemporaries viewed him. It outlines and interprets some basic tenets of his philosophy. Finally, Chapter V summarizes the relationship between the act and the actor, Satyagraha and the satyagrahi~and ends with an assessment. In emphasizing the role of the Satyagrahi in the context of the ethical experience, this thesis seeks to shift the emphasis in Gandhiana scholarship from Satyagraha to Satyagrahi. It argues that there is a need for critical re-evaluation of the relationship between Satyagraha and the Satyagrahi. That need has to do with the experiential aspect of realization. It is not enough to initiate a Satyagraha. It is of crucial importance to provide a milieu which would foster the virtues of ethical living and inculcate a "wholistic" view of life, in harmony with the 'self' and 'others'. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This study developed a model of youth work practice based on a philosophy of nonviolence. Youth work in Australia is in the process of creating a clear self-consciousness and idea of its role, and a philosophy of nonviolence provides a strong foundation for further development. The study was based on the first three phases of intervention research (problem analysis and project planning, information gathering and synthesis, and design) within a heuristic paradigm. It involved a literature review, a telephone survey of 60 youth workers, in-depth interviews with 20 young people and 15 youth workers, and focus groups with 16 youth workers. Literature on youth work in Australia and Britain, and youth care in Canada and South Africa helped identify key features of youth work. Ten principles of nonviolence were developed based on principled nonviolence literature. The telephone survey provided a broad overview of current practice in New South Wales, and identified issues for further exploration in the interviews. The in-depth interviews with youth workers and young people explored their perceptions of violence and discrimination within their services; ways in which youth workers prevent and respond to disruptive, violent and unsafe behaviour; and ways in which youth work practice can be consistent with a philosophy of nonviolence. Based on the research, a model of nonviolent practice was developed, and then refined following focus groups with youth workers. The model encourages youth workers to be committed to nonviolence in all they do; to develop a reflective work practice; to build professional, caring relationships; to focus on power-with; to be committed to social change; to apply principles of social justice; to ensure there are adequate, appropriate staff and resources; to negotiate clear expectations and boundaries; to create a positive environment; to respond to behaviour nonviolently; and to facilitate informal education. / PhD Doctorate

The study is of a psychobiographical nature, employing a psychological theory as a paradigm within which to uncover the narrative of an individual’s life. There are relatively few studies of this nature, particularly with a South African focus. The study applied a qualitative psychobiographical research method which aimed to describe Mahatma Gandhi's psychological development according to Erik Erikson’s (1950) Psychosocial Developmental Theory. Mohandas Karamchund Gandhi or Mahatma Gandhi as he was generally known was a major political and spiritual leader. Although much has been written on his life, a psychobiography has not yet been written. He was chosen as the research subject through purposive sampling on the basis of interest value, uniqueness and significance of his life. The data collection and analysis was conducted according to Yin’s (1994) ‘analytic generalization’ which incorporated Erikson’s theory of psychosocial stages. Alexander’s (1988) nine proposed guidelines assisted in the process of data analysis. The study concluded that Gandhi had attained the ego virtues of hope, will, purpose, competence, fidelity love, care and wisdom as proposed by Erikson’s (1950) Psychosocial Developmental Theory within the delineated age frame.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2018-07-26T13:18:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 andersonazevedoferigate.pdf: 1032162 bytes, checksum: 24c6915101dbdff6f2790f105ed0e1a3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-07-30T16:48:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 andersonazevedoferigate.pdf: 1032162 bytes, checksum: 24c6915101dbdff6f2790f105ed0e1a3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-30T16:48:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 andersonazevedoferigate.pdf: 1032162 bytes, checksum: 24c6915101dbdff6f2790f105ed0e1a3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-20 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A obra literária de Cecília Meireles, especialmente a poesia, é bastante conhecida por boa parte dos apreciadores da literatura nacional, especialmente por livros como Viagem e Romanceiro da Inconfidência. No entanto, ainda há um aspecto de sua obra pouco estudado pela crítica e pela academia: a intensa relação que a autora estabeleceu com a cultura indiana. Pretende-se, portanto, mostrar a presença, na literatura ceciliana, especificamente nas crônicas e nas poesias, dos princípios filosóficos mais determinantes do legado do Mahatma Gandhi, o principal líder político e religioso da Índia no século XX, a saber: Satyagraha – a busca pela Verdade e o Ahimsa – o princípio da Não-Violência. Mostra-se, também, que essa intensa relação intercultural com o país se deu desde muito cedo na vida da escritora e percorreu de maneira direta ou indireta toda sua trajetória literária, seja na busca de autoconhecimento, de desapego, como na tentativa de aplicar aqueles valores éticos de Gandhi em sua própria vida e que aparecem refletidos em sua literatura. A dissertação vem, portanto, contribuir, no âmbito das relações interculturais, para a discussão acadêmica a respeito da forte presença de Gandhi na literatura de uma das mais reconhecidas escritoras de língua portuguesa, Cecília Meireles. / Meireles’ literaly work, especially the poetry, is well known by most of national literature appreciators, particularly for books like “Viagem” and “Romanceiro da Inconfidência”. However, there is still an insufficiently studied aspect of her work by critics and the literary academy: the intensive relation that she established with the Indian culture. Therefore, it is intended to present, in her production, specifically on her chronicles and poetry, the most defining philosophical principles from Mahatma Gandhi, India’s most important political and religious leader from the 20th century, i.e. Satyagraha – the seek for the Truth and Ahimsa – the Non-Violence principle. It is also known that this massive intercultural relation with the country began in the early years of Meireles and covered, directly or indirectly, all her literary work, either on the seek for self-knowledge and detachment or on the attempt to apply Gandhi’s ethical values on her own life, which is reflected in her literature. Thus this dissertation contributes, in the context of intercultural relations, to the academic discussion about the strong presence of Gandhi on the work of one of the most renowned writers of Portuguese language, Cecília Meireles.

This study presents the major ideas of Mahatma Gandhi on social stratification and social inequality. The methodology consists of systematically reading and analyzing the literature through which the theoretical components of social stratification in Gandhi's writings become more explicit, and evaluating these theoretical components. A systematic statement of Gandhi's theory of social stratification included the following five components. First, social differentiation is inherent in human nature. Gandhi believed in the universality of social differentiations and was convinced that societies were organized into the divisions on the basis of vocations. Second, relations among strata imply that a division of labor is essential for the stability and organization of society. Gandhi also implied that this division of labor is necessary and functional. Third, normative patterns establish traditions of heredity. To Gandhi, the four divisions in society defined a person's "calling" which is essential for social organization. Fourth, the system of stratification is the universal law that everyone is obliged to follow. Gandhi tried to legitimize social stratification through moral and religious values of the society. Fifth, social stratification system defines duties only and does not confer any privileges. To Gandhi, the divisions of people into strata was the best possible adjustment of social stability and progress. While accepting some form of social stratification for the benefit of total funcioning of the society, Gandhi refused to accept that social inequality necessarily grows out of the process of social stratification. To maintain the hereditary law of social stratification and reduce the inequality, Gandhi suggested the abolition of the present caste system and the revival of four orders of social organization, the removal of the concept of untouchability, the regulation of trusteeship, decentralization of power, the increase of women's status, and vocational education for all.

No description available.

The current trend of global violence and their impact on families and communities as well as the field of university education is scary for a society that is struggling with this false sense of apathy and complacency. How did the ordinary people get seduced to the idea that there is no way out of this global assault? How then do we extricate ourselves from this “tortured consciousness” (Asante, 2007) and this false sense of “nihilism” (West, 1994) and recoup this “incommensurable loss” (Simmons, 2010) to global violence? Even more crucial, where is the place of education in retrieving this incommensurable loss while providing hope and possibility for a better future? Provoked by the desire to have answers to these questions, the dissertation relies on the knowledge and experiences of twenty qualitatively selected university activists and existing literature to critically examine the non-violent praxes of Gandhi and King, Jr. and their pedagogical implications for transformative university education. The dissertation further draws on the knowledge of Frantz Fanon and Malcolm X to bring complex and nuanced readings to violence and non-violence. The dissertation notes that violence and non-violence are not mutually exclusive as already known. The dissertation also notes that while resistive violence may be justified, it does not necessarily guarantee true transformation, reconciliation, and healing. Instead, love, humility, truth, dialogue, non-violent direct action, discipline, and spirituality are salient in achieving true transformation in university activism. The dissertation further observes that educational activism is more than walking on the street with placards to protest against institutional violence. Sometimes, the secret activism that is done strategically within the corridors of power can achieve more far-reaching results than the open protest against power on the street. The dissertation concludes with six key non-violent strategies that can help in social and political mobilization of university students for transformative university education.

The current trend of global violence and their impact on families and communities as well as the field of university education is scary for a society that is struggling with this false sense of apathy and complacency. How did the ordinary people get seduced to the idea that there is no way out of this global assault? How then do we extricate ourselves from this “tortured consciousness” (Asante, 2007) and this false sense of “nihilism” (West, 1994) and recoup this “incommensurable loss” (Simmons, 2010) to global violence? Even more crucial, where is the place of education in retrieving this incommensurable loss while providing hope and possibility for a better future? Provoked by the desire to have answers to these questions, the dissertation relies on the knowledge and experiences of twenty qualitatively selected university activists and existing literature to critically examine the non-violent praxes of Gandhi and King, Jr. and their pedagogical implications for transformative university education. The dissertation further draws on the knowledge of Frantz Fanon and Malcolm X to bring complex and nuanced readings to violence and non-violence. The dissertation notes that violence and non-violence are not mutually exclusive as already known. The dissertation also notes that while resistive violence may be justified, it does not necessarily guarantee true transformation, reconciliation, and healing. Instead, love, humility, truth, dialogue, non-violent direct action, discipline, and spirituality are salient in achieving true transformation in university activism. The dissertation further observes that educational activism is more than walking on the street with placards to protest against institutional violence. Sometimes, the secret activism that is done strategically within the corridors of power can achieve more far-reaching results than the open protest against power on the street. The dissertation concludes with six key non-violent strategies that can help in social and political mobilization of university students for transformative university education.

The small Chinese community in South Africa has played an important part in the economic and political life of South Africa. From 1660 to 1912, it reflected the experiences of migrant Chinese who left the mainland during and after centuries of isolation. This thesis therefore examines the Chinese in South Africa in the context of a growing historiography of the overseas Chinese, noting particularly the comparisons with other colonial societies, such as the United States of America and Australia. It is also concerned with tracing the history of the free Chinese at the Cape in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, before engaging in a more detailed discussion of the period of indentured Chinese labour on the Witwatersrand gold mines in the early twentieth century. Although the political economy of indenture has been copiously dealt with in recent historical research, the focus here is more on the social and cultural dimensions of Chinese labour, including aspects such as privacy, sexuality and living conditions in the compound system. This cultural history is interpreted against the background of political and legislative developments in South Africa leading to the formation of the Union in 1910. One of the main arguments of the thesis is that the indentured labour scheme had profound repercussions for the racial status of the free Chinese in the late colonial period. The different experiences of the Chinese in the Cape and the Transvaal are given special attention to illustrate regional patterns of social stratification, and explain the vicissitudes of race relations in South Africa up to 1912. In the Cape it led to subjection under the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1904, while in the Transvaal it resulted in political involvement in the initial phases of Mahatma Gandhi's "satyagraha". Cultural exclusivity and minority status are at the heart of this· analysis and are indices of how the Chinese were brought under the yoke of segregation, which anticipated the oppression of apartheid after 1948. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

The small Chinese community in South Africa has played an important part in the economic and political life of South Africa. From 1660 to 1912, it reflected the experiences of migrant Chinese who left the mainland during and after centuries of isolation. This thesis therefore examines the Chinese in South Africa in the context of a growing historiography of the overseas Chinese, noting particularly the comparisons with other colonial societies, such as the United States of America and Australia. It is also concerned with tracing the history of the free Chinese at the Cape in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, before engaging in a more detailed discussion of the period of indentured Chinese labour on the Witwatersrand gold mines in the early twentieth century. Although the political economy of indenture has been copiously dealt with in recent historical research, the focus here is more on the social and cultural dimensions of Chinese labour, including aspects such as privacy, sexuality and living conditions in the compound system. This cultural history is interpreted against the background of political and legislative developments in South Africa leading to the formation of the Union in 1910. One of the main arguments of the thesis is that the indentured labour scheme had profound repercussions for the racial status of the free Chinese in the late colonial period. The different experiences of the Chinese in the Cape and the Transvaal are given special attention to illustrate regional patterns of social stratification, and explain the vicissitudes of race relations in South Africa up to 1912. In the Cape it led to subjection under the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1904, while in the Transvaal it resulted in political involvement in the initial phases of Mahatma Gandhi's "satyagraha". Cultural exclusivity and minority status are at the heart of this· analysis and are indices of how the Chinese were brought under the yoke of segregation, which anticipated the oppression of apartheid after 1948. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)