In this thesis I argue that anarchism, as a political philosophy and social movement practice committed to resisting all forms of oppression and domination, needs to place colonialism more clearly and consistently at the centre of its analysis of interlocking systems of oppression. I argue that colonialism has largely been absent as a system of domination and oppression within anarchist theory and practice, with the exception of a small number of theorists and activist groups. My contention is that an anti-colonial orientation needs to be further encompassed in part because of anarchism’s commitment to resisting all forms of oppression and domination, but also because anarchist movements carry out and theorize resistance against the backdrop of settler colonial realities and on Indigenous lands. This thesis contributes to these aims by seeking to expand and push further work done on anarcha-Indigenism that examines the possible points of contact and resonance between anarchist and Indigenous politics, philosophy and action. I conceptualize anarcha-Indigenism first as a ‘third space’, following post-colonial theorists, and extend this concept towards an ‘n-dimensional’ space of meeting, where theoretical perspectives can come to engage with one another. This space consists of points of contact and resonance chiefly between Indigenist, anarchist and feminist theory and practice, but also extends to any perspective that might meet the core commitments of anarcha-Indigenism, namely resistance to all forms of oppression and domination. Within the ‘n-dimensional’ space of anarcha-Indigenism I examine the possibilities of anti-colonial research methodology, solidarity relationships between settlers and Indigenous peoples, engagements between anarchist and Indigenous feminisms and contemporary manifestations of anti-colonial anarchist resistance against the 2010 Vancouver Olympics and the Toronto G20. These successive chapters seek to make anti-colonial interventions into anarchist theory and practice as well as further develop the richness of anarcha-Indigenism and its complexities. Overall, I argue that anarcha-Indigenism, as an ‘n-dimensional’ space of meeting can further resistance to all forms of oppression and domination, and has the ability to make anti-colonial interventions into anarchist theory and practice specifically. / Thesis (Master, Cultural Studies) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-30 23:49:58.642

In October, 2007, two hundred American educators traveled to Japan for three weeks as guests of the Japanese government under the Japanese Fulbright Memorial Fund (JFMF) Teacher Abroad program. The purpose of the trip was to increase understanding between the people of Japan and the United States; to enrich American and Japanese curricula with international perspectives; to encourage appreciation for the people, culture, and educational system of Japan; and to expand professional development opportunities for educators. Broadly speaking, these are the goals of global education. The question this qualitative case study examined is whether teachers who participate in isolated, short-term international professional development programs (such as JFMF) become more competent global educators or if the experience remains an isolated incident, referred to during a single, obligatory lesson presented to students each year. Questions pursued were how teachers incorporate such experiences into their curricula; how an isolated, short-term experience can contribute to the development of a global educator; and how teachers' perceptions of themselves and their responsibilities change as a result of cross-cultural experience. This study examined eight K-12 teachers as they experienced Japan and then returned to implement self-designed follow-on plans in their classrooms. Data was gathered through application materials, observations, interviews, and follow-on plans and revealed three categories: Anticipation details why the teachers applied for the JFMF program and what they expected to gain from the experience; Direct Impact examines the effect the experience had on teachers' curricula, students, and selves; and Deep Impact portrays the multiple realities experienced by the teachers through an anti-colonialist lens. In sum, a short international sojourn can positively effect teachers' perceptions of themselves and their responsibilities as educators. Beyond the obvious effects on these teachers, their curricula, and students, the experience underscored the need for more Americans to engage in international experiences. While being privy to the voices and perspectives of other nations and cultures can help us in our global social, political, and economic dealings, the greatest benefit from a program such as this is that it helps us gain a more accurate picture of ourselves, as individuals and as a nation.

The title of this essay is ”A place forgotten by the world – the image of the Other and the Elsewhere in Forty Days Without Shadow by Oliver Truc”. Olivier Truc is a French-born journalist living in Stockholm, where he works as a correspondent for Le Monde and Le Point. He has also produced TV documentaries and non-fiction books. Forty Days Without Shadow is his first fictional work, a crime novel published in 2012. The story is settled in the Norwegian and Swedish parts of Lapland, and Sami people are in focus. In this essay, a postcolonial reading is used to interpret the novel, based mainly on the fact that the Sami are or were victims of Scandinavian colonization. The aim of the essay is therefore to examine whether the novel comprises colonialist or anti-colonialist attitudes, or perhaps both, and whether it contains exoticism and othering of the Sami. In particular it is examined how Lapland as a geographical place is described, and how Sami people are depicted compared to people of other origins in the novel. Another fact that is discussed, is how stereotypical characterisation is a common trait of crime novels, an aggravating circumstance for the analysis. The conclusion is that the novel has a strong anti-colonialist perspective, seen mainly in the treating of themes like the colonization of Lapland and its effects on some of the characters. At the same time, the physics of the Sami are described in recurring terms such as “high cheekbones”, whereas the faces of the normative Norwegian and Swedish characters are not described in the same way. In certain places in the novel there is a colonialist focalization which contributes to exoticism and othering of Sami people.

Approximately one in two parents across the province of Ontario, regardless of personal religious beliefs, now choose to enrol their children in a public Roman Catholic secondary school over the public secular school counterpart. The Ontario Roman Catholic school system has historically struggled for recognition and independence as an equally legitimate system in the province. Students in modern schools regard religion and spirituality as critical aspects to their individual identities, yet this study investigates the language and knowledge delivered within the systemic marginalization and colonial framework of a Euro-centric school system and the level of inclusivity and acceptance it affords its youth. Using a critical ethnographic methodology within a single revelatory case study, this study presents the voices of youth as the most critical voice to be heard on identity and identity in faith in Ontario Roman Catholic schools. Surveys with students and student families are complemented with in-depth student interviews, triangulated with informal educational staff interviews and the limited literature incorporating youth identity in modern Ontario Roman Catholic schools. Through the approach of an anti-colonial discursive framework, incorporating a theology of liberation that emphasizes freedom from oppression, the voice of Roman Catholic secondary school youth are brought forth as revealing their struggle for identity in a system that intentionally hides identity outside of being Roman Catholic. Broader questions discussed include: (a) What is the link between identity, schooling and knowledge production?; (b) How do the different voices of students of multi-faiths, educators, administrators, and so forth, contradict, converge and diverge from each other?; (c) How are we to understand the role and importance of spirituality in schooling, knowledge production, and claims of Indigenity and resistance to colonizing education?; (d) What does it mean to claim spirituality as a valid way of knowing?; (e) In what way does this study help understand claims that spirituality avoids splitting of the self?; (f) How do we address the fact that our cultures today are threatened by the absence of community?; and (g) What are the pedagogic and instructional relevancies of this work for the classroom teacher?

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Francisco dos Santos.pdf: 621684 bytes, checksum: 7408aa86803b431428e76567748e2d11 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-17 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The research records the relationship between Brazil and Angola, between the period of 1960 and 1970, analyzing the Afro-Brazilian Movement Pro- Liberation of Angola (MABLA); a movement that involves various sectors of the society in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The aim of this movement was to create awareness to the Brazilian public about the problems faced by the Portuguese colonies in Africa; this research focused especially on the actions leading on to the independence of Angola. There were many burdens because Angola s independence happened in the middle of the Cold War, and an aggravating factor was the Salazar s regime which was established in Portugal in 1926 and was very anachronistic. This regime had close links to Brazil almost till the end, in 1974, with the Carnation Revolution. MABLA had established relationship with the Popular Movement for Angola s Liberation (MPLA), a movement which had closed ties to the Soviet Union and Cuba. In the coup d´état of April 1, 1964, the Civil-Military regime aligned with the United States, some militants of MABL were arrested. This same Civil-Military regime was the first to recognize Angola s independence on November 11, 1975, led by MPLA. Therefore, the research examines the development of relationships between two countries, trying to understand the contexts of the decade 1960 to 1970 regarding its transformations / A pesquisa apresentada registra o relacionamento entre Brasil e Angola, entre a década de 1960 e 1970 por meio do Movimento Afro-brasileiro Pró- Libertação de Angola (MABLA). Movimento que envolveu diversos setores da sociedade tanto nas cidades de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. As ações desse Movimento manifestaram-se no sentido de sensibilizar a opinião pública brasileira para os problemas enfrentados pelas então colônias portuguesas em África. Mormente nessa pesquisa vão ser trabalhadas as ações em prol da independência de Angola, por parte do Brasil. Os ônus enfrentados foram grandes, visto que o processo de independência de Angola estava inserido na conjuntura da Guerra-Fria, tendo como agravante que estava sobre domínio do regime português salazarista estabelecido em 1926 e já muito anacrônico. Regime com o qual o Brasil teve relações estreitas até quase seu termino, em 1974, com a Revolução dos Cravos. O MABLA estabeleceu laços com o Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA), movimento esse que, com passar do tempo estreitou relações com a União Soviética e Cuba. Conduto com o Golpe Civil-Militar de 1 de Abril de 1964, que alinha o Brasil com os Estados Unidos, alguns militantes do MABLA foram presos. Esse mesmo regime Civil-Militar foi o primeiro a reconhecer a independência de Angola, em 11 de novembro de 1975, tendo a frente o MPLA. A pesquisa, portanto, analisa o desenvolvimento das relações entre, Brasil e Angola, procurando entender as conjunturas da década de 1960 a 1970, tendo em vistas suas transformações

The primary objective of this thesis is to advocate for Black Nationalism's full inclusion in the academic field of political philosophy. By bringing the thinkers in the Black Nationalist tradition into this discourse, the field of philosophy stands to gain important insight into the prejudices and unexamined assumptions that plague academia. I will flesh out the nature of these assumptions using the works of Black Nationalists like Angela Davis, George Jackson and Joy James. This will show that reading Black Nationalists as social theorists enables philosophers to unveil sources of knowledge about political economies by looking at the history of imperialism in a comprehensive manner. The second section is devoted to an examination of how the Black Panther Party's relationship to the state reveals the role of white violence in maintaining racial hierarchies. That the Black Panthers were targeted so systematically by the state indicates that they were perceived to be a threat to the white power structure, which gives us insight into how challenging state terror is a revolutionary act in intellectual and concrete ways. I show that the mainstream academic discourse on racism in American society assigns higher credibility to white philosophers even when Black thinkers have been producing relevant scholarship for centuries on the subject in question. The third section examines the philosophy of the Enlightenment in terms of how it relates to the domestic colonization of African Americans and to the abuse of people of color around the globe by European and American imperialists. The purpose of this section is to show how scholars' confidence in white canonized philosophers predisposes them to overlook Enlightenment philosophy's structurally racist approach to political societies. The fourth section provides a detailed overview of the key principles in Anti-Colonial and Critical Race Theory as they intersect with Black Nationalism. Important issues addressed in this section include the role of prisons in keeping African Americans in a state of neo-slavery. In order to situate Black Nationalist thought within a broader intellectual history, I will discuss how Black Nationalism represents the culmination of radical American and Anti-Colonial political theory.

Approximately one in two parents across the province of Ontario, regardless of personal religious beliefs, now choose to enrol their children in a public Roman Catholic secondary school over the public secular school counterpart. The Ontario Roman Catholic school system has historically struggled for recognition and independence as an equally legitimate system in the province. Students in modern schools regard religion and spirituality as critical aspects to their individual identities, yet this study investigates the language and knowledge delivered within the systemic marginalization and colonial framework of a Euro-centric school system and the level of inclusivity and acceptance it affords its youth. Using a critical ethnographic methodology within a single revelatory case study, this study presents the voices of youth as the most critical voice to be heard on identity and identity in faith in Ontario Roman Catholic schools. Surveys with students and student families are complemented with in-depth student interviews, triangulated with informal educational staff interviews and the limited literature incorporating youth identity in modern Ontario Roman Catholic schools. Through the approach of an anti-colonial discursive framework, incorporating a theology of liberation that emphasizes freedom from oppression, the voice of Roman Catholic secondary school youth are brought forth as revealing their struggle for identity in a system that intentionally hides identity outside of being Roman Catholic. Broader questions discussed include: (a) What is the link between identity, schooling and knowledge production?; (b) How do the different voices of students of multi-faiths, educators, administrators, and so forth, contradict, converge and diverge from each other?; (c) How are we to understand the role and importance of spirituality in schooling, knowledge production, and claims of Indigenity and resistance to colonizing education?; (d) What does it mean to claim spirituality as a valid way of knowing?; (e) In what way does this study help understand claims that spirituality avoids splitting of the self?; (f) How do we address the fact that our cultures today are threatened by the absence of community?; and (g) What are the pedagogic and instructional relevancies of this work for the classroom teacher?

This work brings an anti-colonial reading to the production and maintenance of racial logic in Cuban schooling, through conversations with, and surveys of Cuban teachers, as well as through analysis of secondary and primary documents. The study undertaken seeks to contribute to the limited existent research on race relations in Cuba, with a research focus on the Cuban educational context. Teasing and staking out a middle ground between the blinding and often hollow pro-Cuba fanaticism and the deafening anti -Cuban rhetoric from the left and right respectively, this project seeks a more nuanced, complete and dialogical understanding of race and race relations in Cuba, with a specific focus on the educational context. With this in mind, the learning objectives of this study are to investigate the following: 1) What role does racism play in Cuba currently and historically? 2) What is the role of education in the life of race and racism on the island? 3) What new questions and insights emerge from the Cuban example that might be of use to integrated anti-racism, anti-colonialism and class-oriented scholarship and activism? On a more specific level, the guiding research objectives of the study are to investigate the following: 1) How do teachers support and/or challenge dominant ideas of race and racism, and to what degree to do they construct their own meanings on these topics? 2) How do teachers understand the relevance of race and racism for teaching and learning? 3) How and why do teachers address race and racism in the classroom? The data reveal a complex process of meaning making by teachers who are at once produced by and producers of dominant race discourse on the island. Teachers are the front line race workers of the racial project, doing much of the heavy lifting in the ongoing struggle against racism, but are at the same time custodians of an approach to race relations which has on the whole failed to eliminate racism. This work investigates and explicates this apparent contradiction inherent in teachers’ work and discourse on the island, revealing a flawed and complex form of Cuban anti-racism.

The diplomatic and political deadlock in what has come to be known as the Palestine/Israel conflict, has led to the re-emergence of an anti-partition discourse that draws its arguments from the reality on the ground and/or from anti-Zionism. Why such a re-emergence? Actually, anti-partitionism as an antagonism depends on its corollary, partitionism, and as such, they have existed for the same period of time. Furthermore, the debate between antipartitionists and pro-partitionists – nowadays often referred to as a debate between the one-state and the two-state solution – is not peculiar to the period around 2000. It echoes the situation in the late 1910s when the British were settling in Palestine and authorising the Zionist settler colonial movement to build a Jewish homeland thus introducing the seeds of partition and arousing expressions of anti-partitionism. This dissertation aims to articulate a political history of the antipartitionist perspectives against the backdrop of an increasing acceptance of Palestine's partition as a solution. This account runs from 1915 and the first partition – that of the Arab territories of the Ottoman Empire – to 1988 and the Palestinian recognition of the principle of partition. Thus, I argue that the antipartitionist perspectives have persisted throughout history. Such a historical perspective enabled me to consider the acceptance of partition as the result of a shift from a “national and territorial liberation” strategy to the search for “sovereignty and national independence”, a shift that was operated in the Palestinian national movement as well as in the Zionist movement, and which made statehood the main objective. In this regard, the Palestinian acceptance of the principle of partition and of a two-state solution may be regarded as a legitimation of the Israeli colonial settler state.

Cette thèse vise à comprendre les postures de résistances et de fuites que les esclaves africains ont constamment opposées au système colonial esclavagiste. Faute de témoignages directs, du fait de l’absence d’équivalent français aux slave narratives anglophones, nous avons tenté d’exhumer ces paroles étouffées en analysant leurs reconstitutions dans les textes d’auteurs français du XVIIIe siècle qui les ont recueillies et mises en scène, entre 1730 et 1792. Nous avons essayé de comprendre les multiples formes de résistances actives auxquelles ont participé ces sujets historiques, qui ne sont souvent représentés par l’historiographie que comme des victimes passives.Notre travail étant d’ordre littéraire, nous avons problématisé les structures et les formes de l’énonciation présentes dans ces textes secondaires et apparemment dérivés, appartenant à une grande variété de genres. Qu’est-ce qui parvient à y filtrer des voix du marronnage, à travers leurs multiples modalités de transmission, traduction, trahison ? De quels types de résistances à l’oppression esclavagiste et coloniale portent témoignage ces textes écrits en français à l’époque des Lumières ? En quoi les outils de l’analyse littéraire peuvent-ils nous aider à éclairer leurs enjeux historiques, politiques et culturels ? Ces questions sont abordées à travers une analyse fine de quelques récits de rebellions, de prises de paroles, de détournements, de fuites, et autres formes de résistances relevant du marronnage, tels que ces récits apparaissent dans la langue des colons. En conclusion, nous tentons de relier ces textes anciens à certaines écritures récentes de littérature caribéenne. / This dissertation, entitled Maroons’ Voices in 18th-Century French Literature, attempts to understand the various modes of resistance and escape which African slaves have constantly opposed to the colonial system of slavery. In the absence of slave narratives in French, our goal was to hear their lost voices through a close analysis of their echoes within texts written by a number of French authors who staged them, with many diffractions and deformations. Emphasis is put on the agency expressed in these countless forms of resistance, by populations who are too often misrepresented as passive victims.This study being literary in nature, it focuses on the structures and forms of enunciations encountered in these apparently derivative works written between 1730 and 1792, in order to frame the refracted presence of maroons’ voices through their transmission, translation, and deformations. What types of resistance to colonial oppression filter through these indirect and often ambivalent forms of literary testimony? How can a literary sensitivity help us grasp their historical, political and cultural stakes? Such questions are discussed through a series of close readings of selected narratives of escape, denunciations, struggles, rebellion and vengeance, taken from a variety of literary genres, all written in the colonizers’ language. In conclusion, these texts written 300 years ago are revisited in the light of recent developments in Caribbean writings.