Éditer l’œuvre d’un poète « indigène », à l’heure de l’Algérie française, nécessite un changement des schèmes de perception de la société française, mais plus encore, écrire en français une œuvre qui se veut affranchie et libératrice demande un effort et sans doute un choix politique particuliers. Au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’œuvre de Kateb Yacine qui s’énonce dans et par l’histoire, s’inscrit dans un champ littéraire et intellectuel français en restructuration. Les maisons d’édition optent pour des stratégies éditoriales influencées par des intellectuels désireux de changer la société et créateurs de nouvelles philosophies de vie : le Personnalisme, l’Existentialisme. Des figures cristallisent cette puissance fondatrice : Mounier, Sartre, Jeanson, Senghor, Césaire, Fanon. Le rôle et l’évolution de la revue Esprit, média et réceptacle intellectuel, sont exemplaires et participent grandement à faire évoluer les politiques et la société française. Les liens qui unissent Esprit et la maison du Seuil favorisent à diffuser ces idées. La lutte anti-colonialiste, qui trouve ses sources dans les idées philosophiques et, en fin de compte, dans l’expérience de la Résistance, oriente le champ intellectuel et pousse à des positionnements intellectuels tranchés. Cette histoire conditionne la réception de son œuvre aujourd’hui. La lecture de l’œuvre, particulièrement Nedjma, se fait au carrefour d’enjeux culturels et politiques : illustration de la francophonie, reconnaissance d’une partie de la jeunesse française issue de l’immigration maghrébine. Elle apparaît dans les programmes du Français. / Editing the work of a “native” poet , when Algeria was a French colony, requires a change in the perception habits of the French society, but furthermore, writing in French a piece which is intended to be emancipated and liberating demands a particular effort and definitely a particular political choice. In the aftermath of World War II, Kateb Yacine’s work which enunciates itself in and by history, is in line with a French literary and intellectual field in reconstruction. Publishing companies choose editorial strategies influenced by intellectuals desirous to change the society and creators of new life philosophies: Personalism, Existentialism. Some writers crystallize this founding power: Mounier, Sartre, Jeanson, Senghor, Césaire, Fanon. The role and the evolution of the magazine Esprit, an intellectual media and receptacle, are exemplary and take great part in the evolution of French society and politics. The union between Esprit and Seuil editions helps spreading these ideas. The fight against colonialism, which finds its sources in philosophical ideas, and, ultimately, in the experience of the Resistance, directs the intellectual field and compels clear-cut intellectual positions. This history conditions the reception of his work today. The reading of the work, particularly Nedjma, cannot be separated from political and cultural issues: illustration of the French-speaking world, acknowledgement of a part of the French young people coming from the North African immigration. It appears in the programming of French lessons.

French rule over Syria and Lebanon was premised on a vision of a special French protectorate established by centuries of cultural activity; archaeological, educational and charitable. This vision translated into a meaning of the mandate as colonial protectorate, integrated into the French Empire. Initial French methods of organising and supervising cultural activity sought to embrace this vision and to implement it in the exploitation of antiquities, the management and promotion of cultural heritage, the organisation of education and control of the public opinion among literate classes. However, in-depth examination of the first five years of the League of Nations-assigned mandate reveals that French expectations of a protectorate were quickly dashed by consistent and widespread contestation of their mandatary methods within cultural institutions, not simply among Arabists but so too among minority groups initially expected to be loyal clients. The violence of imposing the mandate de facto, starting with a landing of French troops in the Lebanese and Syrian Mediterranean coast in 1919 and followed by extension to Syria “proper” in 1920 was followed by consistent violent revolt and rejection of the very idea of a mandate over local peoples. Examining the cultural institutions’ role reveals less violent yet similarly consistent contestation of French meanings ascribed to the mandate by challenging their methods of executing it. Tracing the mandate administrators’ and surveillance and diplomatic apparatus’ point of view, this analysis shows the significant pressure put on French expectations through contestation of such policies as the exportation of antiquities, the expansion of French instruction over Arabic learning, the censorship of the press. This did not quite unite the infamously tapestry-like stakeholders within and without Syria on a nationalist or even anti-imperialist framework. Yet there was a unity in contesting mandatary methods precieved to be transforming the meaning of a League of Nations mandate. The political and de jure discourses emerging after the tragedy of World War I fostered expectations of European tutelages that prepared local peoples for autonomy and independence. Yet, even among the most Francophile of stakeholders, the unfolding of the first years of mandate rule brought forth de facto, entirely different events and methods. In conjunction with the ongoing violent refusal to accept even the premise of a French mandate, this contestation, partly occurring through cultural institutions, contributed to a fundamental reduction of French expectations in the formative five years. An in-depth horizontal and synchronic analysis of the shifts in discourses, attitudes and activities unfolding in French and locally-organised cultural institutions such as schools, museums and newspapers thus signals the need for mandate studies to give greater consideration to shifts in international and local meanings, methods and capacities rather than treating it as a single unit of analysis.

The current trend of global violence and their impact on families and communities as well as the field of university education is scary for a society that is struggling with this false sense of apathy and complacency. How did the ordinary people get seduced to the idea that there is no way out of this global assault? How then do we extricate ourselves from this “tortured consciousness” (Asante, 2007) and this false sense of “nihilism” (West, 1994) and recoup this “incommensurable loss” (Simmons, 2010) to global violence? Even more crucial, where is the place of education in retrieving this incommensurable loss while providing hope and possibility for a better future? Provoked by the desire to have answers to these questions, the dissertation relies on the knowledge and experiences of twenty qualitatively selected university activists and existing literature to critically examine the non-violent praxes of Gandhi and King, Jr. and their pedagogical implications for transformative university education. The dissertation further draws on the knowledge of Frantz Fanon and Malcolm X to bring complex and nuanced readings to violence and non-violence. The dissertation notes that violence and non-violence are not mutually exclusive as already known. The dissertation also notes that while resistive violence may be justified, it does not necessarily guarantee true transformation, reconciliation, and healing. Instead, love, humility, truth, dialogue, non-violent direct action, discipline, and spirituality are salient in achieving true transformation in university activism. The dissertation further observes that educational activism is more than walking on the street with placards to protest against institutional violence. Sometimes, the secret activism that is done strategically within the corridors of power can achieve more far-reaching results than the open protest against power on the street. The dissertation concludes with six key non-violent strategies that can help in social and political mobilization of university students for transformative university education.

The current trend of global violence and their impact on families and communities as well as the field of university education is scary for a society that is struggling with this false sense of apathy and complacency. How did the ordinary people get seduced to the idea that there is no way out of this global assault? How then do we extricate ourselves from this “tortured consciousness” (Asante, 2007) and this false sense of “nihilism” (West, 1994) and recoup this “incommensurable loss” (Simmons, 2010) to global violence? Even more crucial, where is the place of education in retrieving this incommensurable loss while providing hope and possibility for a better future? Provoked by the desire to have answers to these questions, the dissertation relies on the knowledge and experiences of twenty qualitatively selected university activists and existing literature to critically examine the non-violent praxes of Gandhi and King, Jr. and their pedagogical implications for transformative university education. The dissertation further draws on the knowledge of Frantz Fanon and Malcolm X to bring complex and nuanced readings to violence and non-violence. The dissertation notes that violence and non-violence are not mutually exclusive as already known. The dissertation also notes that while resistive violence may be justified, it does not necessarily guarantee true transformation, reconciliation, and healing. Instead, love, humility, truth, dialogue, non-violent direct action, discipline, and spirituality are salient in achieving true transformation in university activism. The dissertation further observes that educational activism is more than walking on the street with placards to protest against institutional violence. Sometimes, the secret activism that is done strategically within the corridors of power can achieve more far-reaching results than the open protest against power on the street. The dissertation concludes with six key non-violent strategies that can help in social and political mobilization of university students for transformative university education.

This work brings an anti-colonial reading to the production and maintenance of racial logic in Cuban schooling, through conversations with, and surveys of Cuban teachers, as well as through analysis of secondary and primary documents. The study undertaken seeks to contribute to the limited existent research on race relations in Cuba, with a research focus on the Cuban educational context. Teasing and staking out a middle ground between the blinding and often hollow pro-Cuba fanaticism and the deafening anti -Cuban rhetoric from the left and right respectively, this project seeks a more nuanced, complete and dialogical understanding of race and race relations in Cuba, with a specific focus on the educational context. With this in mind, the learning objectives of this study are to investigate the following: 1) What role does racism play in Cuba currently and historically? 2) What is the role of education in the life of race and racism on the island? 3) What new questions and insights emerge from the Cuban example that might be of use to integrated anti-racism, anti-colonialism and class-oriented scholarship and activism? On a more specific level, the guiding research objectives of the study are to investigate the following: 1) How do teachers support and/or challenge dominant ideas of race and racism, and to what degree to do they construct their own meanings on these topics? 2) How do teachers understand the relevance of race and racism for teaching and learning? 3) How and why do teachers address race and racism in the classroom? The data reveal a complex process of meaning making by teachers who are at once produced by and producers of dominant race discourse on the island. Teachers are the front line race workers of the racial project, doing much of the heavy lifting in the ongoing struggle against racism, but are at the same time custodians of an approach to race relations which has on the whole failed to eliminate racism. This work investigates and explicates this apparent contradiction inherent in teachers’ work and discourse on the island, revealing a flawed and complex form of Cuban anti-racism.

This dissertation examines Vivekananda (1863-1902) as an itinerant monk rather than the nationalist ideologue he has become in recent scholarship. Historians have approached Vivekananda as either a pioneer of Hindu nationalism or as the voice of a universalist calling for service to humanity. Such labelling neglects the fact that he predominantly navigated between those polarised identities, and overlooks the incongruities between his actions and his ideas. By contextualising his travels within various scales of history, this dissertation puts Vivekananda's lived life in dialogue with his thought, as articulated in his correspondence and speeches. It shows that purposeful movement characterised Vivekananda's life. Instead of searching for enlightenment, he travelled throughout the subcontinent as a wandering monk to territorialise spirituality. He carved out his own support base in Madras to reclaim the region from the Theosophical Society, and dwelled in native courts to accrue the patronage of native princes to build the Ramakrishna Math and Mission with him at the helm. His web of princely patronage also carried him to the Parliament of the World's Religions (World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893), as a representative of 'Hinduism' rather than a Hindu representative of a religious community or organisation. His rise to fame at the Parliament also unfolded through spatial dynamic. His performance triggered highly gendered and disordered spectacle, which starkly contrasted with the British Royal Commission's obsession with discipline at the main Exposition. Furthermore, his speeches painted an anti-colonial geography of fraternity, and instilled new malleable subjectivity in his western female followers. After his death, his life and ideas continued to challenge the colonial state's distinction between 'spirituality' and anarchism. Thus, Vivekananda territorialised spirituality in both India and America not only by travelling, but also by inhabiting the interstices of empire. By examining Vivekananda through space, this dissertation creates a new template for contextualising Vivekananda in national, imperial, and international histories, leading to new insights on the man, his ideas, and his legacy.

Au tournant du 20e siècle, après la chute du Second Empire, la France traverse une période d’incertitude institutionnelle. En voulant ancrer le nouveau régime, les fondateurs de la Troisième République engagent le pays dans une période d’expansion coloniale. Les principaux promoteurs de la politique coloniale, dont Jules Ferry et Léon Gambetta, tentent de la justifier en intégrant les principes universalistes républicains au discours colonialiste de l’époque. Cette tactique de persuasion politique entraînera son lot de contradictions idéologiques. L’historiographie soutient qu’un consensus sur la politique coloniale existe chez les contemporains. Cependant, plusieurs acteurs de la Troisième République s’y opposent, donnant naissance à un courant anticolonialiste, lui aussi inspiré de la pensée républicaine. Le but de ce mémoire est d’étudier de quelle façon deux courants idéologiques, en apparence contradictoires, peuvent se baser sur les mêmes racines philosophiques pour définir leur discours. La pensée républicaine s’appuie sur les principes issus de la Déclaration des droits de l’homme de 1794, mettant de l’avant les concepts d’égalité et de liberté. Alors que ces principes seront largement soutenus et diffusés par le discours colonialiste, l’application de ces valeurs dans les colonies se fait attendre. Ne voulant pas trahir l’héritage républicain du nouveau régime, les penseurs de la Troisième République s’affairent à le déformer, par l’entremise des concepts de « hiérarchie raciale » et de « mission civilisatrice ». Pour l’étude des discours colonialistes et anticolonialistes, des périodiques et des ouvrages d’époque seront analysés, en plus de nombreuses prises de parole à la Chambre des députés. Ce mémoire étudie comment la pensée républicaine sous-tend à la fois le discours colonialiste et anticolonialiste. Dans cette optique, l’analyse du discours s’opposant à la colonisation démontre qu’un courant anticolonialiste stable et durable était bien présent durant la Troisième République. / At the turn of the 19th century, after the fall of the Second Empire, France underwent a period of institutional uncertainty. By trying to consildate the new regime, the founders of the Third Republic engaged the country in a period of colonial expansion. The main promoters of the colonial policy, of which Jules Ferry and Léon Gambetta, try to justify it by integrating universalists republicans principles into the colonial discourse. This method of political persuasion will brought to light its share of contradictions. Historiography on the subject tend to consider that there was a consensus among contemporaries. However, several political actors of the Third Republic will oppose colonial expansion, giving rise to an anti-colonialist current, also inspired by republican thought. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine how two different ideological currents, seemingly contradictory, can define their discourse on the basis of the same philosophical roots. Republican ideology is based upon the principles of the Déclaration des droits de l’homme of 1794, which put forward the concepts of equality and liberty. While these principles were upheld in the colonialist discourse, their application in the colonies was constantly put off. In order not to betray their republican heritage, Third Republic thinkers distorted it, through the concepts of « hiérarchie raciale » and « mission civilisatrice ». Colonialist and anti-colonialist speeches will be analyzed in periodicals and contemporary publications, in addition to numerous speeches from the Chambre des députés (Chamber of Deputies). This dissertation examines studies how republican thought supports both colonialist and anti-colonialist discourse. In that perspective, the analysis of the arguments opposing colonization demonstrates that a stable and lasting anti-colonialist current was clearly present under the Third Republic.

Despite having roots in 19th century Europe, Marxism had a deep impact on the trajectory of political ideas in the non-European world in the twentieth century. In particular, anti-colonial thinkers engaged productively with Marx’s ideas as part of their struggle against Empire. Yet, little attention has been paid to the displacements and innovations in political thought as a result of this encounter between anti-colonialism and Marxism. This dissertation aims to fill this gap by studying the history of Indian communism, focusing on the first three decades of the communist movement (1921-1950). I claim that this is an ideal time period to interrogate the formation of political ideas in India, since they presented themselves with particular intensity in the midst of an unfolding anti-colonial struggle, and arguably, the birth of the Indian political. The entry of communist ideas into the charged political environment of the 1920s had an impact on the ideological debates within the Indian polity, as well as stamping Indian communism with its own specific historicity. Through a tracing of debates among communist leaders, as well as their non-communist interlocutors, this work seeks to provide a novel lens to consider the relationship between ideas and their historical actualization, or between the universal and its instantiation in the particular. Moreover, the dissertation argues that the radically different socio-political and historical landscapes of Western Europe and colonial India necessitated a confrontation with the stagist view of history dominant in the history of Western Marxism, prompting novel theoretical work on the issue of political temporality. Consequently, the relationship between necessity and volition, central to enlightenment thought, was radically transformed in the colonial world, particularly in terms of its entanglement with the problem of subjective violence. Engagement with such questions not only impacted Indian political thought, but transformed global communism itself, putting into question the concept of an “originary site” for political ideas. Thus, this work intervenes in debates in three distinct registers: Global Intellectual History, Marxist theory and Indian political thought.

L’enjeu de cette thèse est de présenter les différents statuts de l’image du corps, dans la photographie contemporaine en Martinique. La photographie a joué un rôle dans la conquête coloniale et la construction d’une image fantasmée de l’Autre. Il nous apparaît essentiel d’évoquer l’importance du contexte colonial puis postcolonial. Dans la photographie contemporaine des années 1970 à nos jours en Martinique, les images du corps posent la question du regard. Cette dimension de la transformation de l’être en tant qu’objet à l’être en tant que sujet, est au cœur de notre réflexion soutenue par celle des penseurs originaires de la Caraïbe (Frantz Fanon, Edouard Glissant, Stuart Hall) : images du corps marqué, fragmenté, dépossédé, de traces de mémoire, en errance ou en quête d’identité. La question plurielle de la visibilité et de l’invisibilité de l’image du corps sont au cœur de notre démarche de recherche. Sans pour autant être exhaustif, à la suite d’une analyse d’un corpus limité de photographies, des thématiques susceptibles d’exprimer une fixité de l’image du corps ou son caractère plus ouvert, sont dégagées. Le choix de quatre photographes Martiniquais en priorité, David Damoison, Gilles Elie-dit-Cosaque, Jean-Luc De Laguarigue et Joël Zobel, offre la possibilité de définir un cadre d’analyse et de comparaison, avec le souci d’établir des liens avec les concepts à l’œuvre dans les images de quelques photographes de la Caraïbe anglophone, originaires de Jamaïque et de Barbade. Comment les enjeux identifiés sont-ils présents dans l’œuvre de ces photographes Martiniquais et se prolongent ils dans les perspectives de la nouvelle scène artistique contemporaine ? / The aim of this thesis is to present the different statuses of the image of the body, in contemporary photography in Martinique. Photography played a role in the colonial conquest and the construction of a fantasized image of the Other. It seems essential to us to evoke the importance of the colonial and post-colonial context in the fantasized elaboration of the image of the Other. In contemporary photography from the seventies to the present day in Martinique, the images of the body pose the question of the gaze. The dimension of the transformation of the human being as an object to being as a subject is at the heart of our reflection supported by the thinkers originating from the Caribbean (Frantz Fanon, Edouard Glissant, Stuart Hall): images of the body marked, dismembered, fragmented, dispossessed, traces of memory, wandering or absent to itself or in search of identity. The pluralistic question of the visibility and invisibility of the image of the body are at the heart of our research process. Without being exhaustive, following an analysis of a limited corpus of photographs, themes that are capable of expressing a fixed image of the body or its more open character are uncovered. The choice of four Martinique photographers as a priority, David Damoison, Gilles Elie-dit-Cosaque, Jean-Luc De Laguarigue and Joël Zobel, offers the possibility of defining a framework of analysis and comparison, with the concern to establish links with the concepts at work in the images of some photographers of the English-speaking Caribbean, originating in Jamaica and Barbados. How are the identified issues present in the work of these Martinican photographers and are they in the perspective of the new contemporary art scene?

The aim of the study is to make visible through a qualitative method if and how the program works to educate social workers through for example anti-colonial education. The relevance of the study is shown in the importance of knowledge about social and human rights, ethical perspective and diversity perspective in social work. The intuition for social work at Linnaeus University has the task of helping sociology students to meet the goals in the study plan but: Do students really achieve the education-specific goals? What does the department do to get the students there? What impact does right-wing populism have on the education?