The aim of the essay was to analyse the speeches of the party leader in Almedalen 2012 and 2016 to see how much right-wing populism that could be identified. The Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Sweden Democrats and the Christian Democrats were the parties which were investigated. The question of the essay was: Are there more or less tendencies of right-wing populism in the speeches of the Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Sweden Democrats and the Christian Democrats when the speech of 2012 are compared to the speech of 2016? The analysis was based on four different aspects which characterize right-wing populism. These were anti-establishment, people´s representative, threat & dissociation and nationalism. The Sweden Democrats had tendencies of all the aspects in both speeches, although the tendencies were stronger for the anti-establishment in the speech of 2016. The other parties generally lacked indications of right-wing populism regarding most of the aspects in the speeches of 2012. While it in the speeches of 2016 were more tendencies of right-wing populism, although many aspects still were absent in the speeches of 2016. However, there were more tendencies of nationalism 2016.

Is there support for voluntary sterilization incentives in the U.S.? Nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with a snowball sample of four families spanning three generations in Bucktown, a 95% white, middle-class neighborhood which sent David Duke, former Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, to the Louisiana House of Representatives in 1989. Interviews explain support and opposition to current Louisiana State Representative John LaBruzzo's policy suggestion to "end generational welfare" by offering citizens $1000 in exchange for having their fallopian tubes tied or receiving vasectomies. Most respondents expressed that the sterilization proposal was targeted at low-income blacks. Although work ethic deficiency was used to frame poverty and welfare-dependency, support and opposition for the proposal was ultimately divided along racial ideological lines. Although Bucktonians have disassociated themselves from Duke and are upwardly mobile socio-economically, right-wing populist ideology remains salient.

This thesis analyses the ideology of the Radical right-wing Populist Party, Sweden Democrats. The aim of the study is to see if and how the ideology of the Sweden Democrats has changed through its years of activity, by comparing the party in three periods. The focus in the analysis is put on the party's view on the Swedish national identity and on multiculturalism. The reason for analyzing the party's view on these two concepts is due to the fact that they can be seen as corner stones in a racist ideology. An explanation of the concepts will be presented in the theory chapter, which is later used in the analysis of the party. The study shows that the ideology of the Sweden Democrats has changed very little throughout its years of activity in terms of their view on the national identity and the multicultural idea. This as a result has led to a similar amount of change in the arguments that can be seen as racist, by the party.

Nordic right wing populism began in Denmark with the requisite growth in the political and societal power of the Danish People’s Party during the Liberal-Conservative coalition government from 2001 to 2011. As the number of immigrants and asylum-seekers from Middle Eastern countries continues to grow, the “other,” the definition of which is a perceived threat against an ill-defined “people,” is increasingly understood by the Danish People’s Party as Muslim immigrants and their descendants. This thesis will use both a wide array of literature and evidence from an original research project using a Danish Prison as a loose microcosm for Danish society. The research traces the influence of the Danish People’s Party on public policy. This thesis will conclude that blatant Islamophobia has seeped into the following sectors of Danish policy: the media, social services and the refugee and asylum system. Denmark, while being an internationally revered example of good governance, represents the dangerous proliferation of illiberalism in the modern, small welfare state in response to globalization.

This thesis tests one of the approaches that analyzes the rise of right-wing populist parties, "the economic crisis" approach. The core idea of this theory is that during an economic crisis, there is a rise of electoral support for the right-wing populist parties. The two case studies which are studied are the (Northern) League in Italy and the National Front/Rally in France. These analyses include a brief history of the said parties, their political profile, and the results in elections after the 2008-2009 financial crisis. As well as data on the profile of supporters of these parties and the reasons why they support these parties, and their views on some of the main political and social issues. From the data confrontation it is shown that there is no correlation between times of economic hardship, and the electoral success of these parties. And what is more important supporters of these parties also emphasize reasons related with identity rather than economic problems for supporting these parties. For economic issues they have a similar perception to the rest of the population. Keywords Populism, right-wing populism, populist parties, economic crisis, elections, identity.

The Sweden democrats has for a long time been labelled as a racist party in swedish media. Due to the problems related to the members of the party in the 90s, where members were subject to criminal actions and racist scandals, the media had focus on the racist actions and labelled the party as a racist party therefore. How does the discourse present itself today? The purpose is to make a comparative study between the year 2014 and 2018/2019 and to research if the discourse surrounding the sweden democrats has changed during this time. Relevance for the study is how we discover, categorize and give the discourses names that helps us and also the reader to understand the process about how the media picture Sweden democrats. Our method is a comparative critical discourse analysis that we are going to use on articles published in the two largest newspapers in sweden, Aftonbladet and Expressen. We will locate the surrounding discourses from 2014 at first and then locate what kind of discourses is surrounding the party in 2018/2019. The main discourse from 2014 is the racist discourse, it´s present in nearly every article we analyse. With the racist discourse, the big difference is that the discourse is changing. When we look upon 2018/2019, new discourses take place, the new discourses we locate it’s the right populism-, scandal- and normalization discourse, the rasism discourse is still present but not so extensive as during 2014. During 2014 the racism discourse depends on the scandal discourse, this changes significant, the scandal discourse is no longer in 2018/2019 dependent on the racism discourse, but it acutally transforms into its own discourse. The focus on racism is almost gone and new scandals take place instead. In combination with the normalization discourse we can se that there has been a change, actually a big change in the media discourse surrounding the Sweden democrats.

Right-wing populistic parties are gaining power in many parliaments around Europe. Two parties, the Swedish democrats (SD) and the Swiss people´s party (SVP) are being classified as such. The history of those two are not at all similar, although the parties after many years of intern development and evolution are meeting each other on the political scale. This awakes a lot of questions and therefore the purpose of this paper is to examine why they went in different directions but towards each other, in the way of studying their political program and to what extent they distance themselves from the right of the political spectra. In the conclusion, it will be confirmed that they indeed are right-wing populistic parties and that the biggest traction towards any side on the political scale, is the demand of a certain policy that the electors are asking for.

Social science scholars mainly regard dehumanization as a phenomenon of conflict and war. Concurrently, dehumanizing attitudes and behavior in democratic, non-conflict settings is a significant field within social psychology. Given the rise of right-wing populism and populist rhetoric, there is reason to believe that dehumanization has nestled its way into political discourse. With this background, the current study has investigated whether dehumanizing attitudes allegedly held by citizens are also expressed in their political arguments. Dehumanization can lead to support for aggression, discrimination, and violence even in democratic societies. Therefore, it is essential for political scientists to acknowledge its existence, as dehumanization can have a severe impact on equality and the defense of human rights. This paper is a cross-cutting study, which bridges the gap between political science and social psychology in the study of dehumanization by answering the question: Whether and how dehumanization is used in the debate on street begging in everyday politics? Discursive dehumanization on social media was mapped with the help of a novel analytical tool for content analysis. Social psychology has shown that people hold dehumanizing attitudes, and this study has shown that people are also willing to express these attitudes. This study finds that dehumanization is used in the debate on street begging to a significant degree. Dehumanization is mainly used in negative depictions of beggars, which undermine their moral capacity, civility, and refinement. The results of this study provide a foundation for studying both discursive dehumanization and dehumanization in political science.

Diese Publikation einer Masterarbeit leistet einen Beitrag, die bestehende Forschungslücke hinsichtlich der Rolle rechtspopulistischer Parteien in Regierungsbildungsprozessen zu füllen. Warum haben sich etablierte Parteien und Rechtspopulisten für eine bestimmte Konstellation entschieden? Welche Probleme traten durch den spezifisch rechtspopulistischen Charakter bei der Regierungsbildung auf? Welche Alternativen gibt es? Mittels eines vergleichenden Ansatzes werden dabei als Fallbeispiele die Regierungsbildungsprozesse nach drei Wahlen zu nationalen Parlamenten im Jahr 2010 in Belgien, den Niederlanden und Schweden analysiert.

Right-wing populism is experiencing a revival across a number of European states. To date, they have achieved remarkable results in several elections, leading to an increase in representation in local, national and european levels. Sweden and Germany are two of the European countries that have experienced this political evolution through the Sweden Democrats (SD) and the Alternative for Germany (AfD). The purpose of this thesis is to study the parties’ origins in order to examine whether the current versions of the parties are equivalent to the versions of the time of their founding. In order to address this question, I have used primary sources such as official party programmes, as well as secondary sources for a more impartial perspective. In conclusion, both of the parties have very different origins and have subsequently evolved in different directions towards their current forms, which indeed show significant similarities.