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Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi contributed both to the Indian civil rights movement in South Africa and India's hind-swaraj (Indian home-rule) movement as a charismatic leader and spiritual warrior. In both cases Gandhi employed satyagraha, often translated as ‘soul force', as his community organizing and mobilizing strategy against the British Empire. Used to great effect this non-violent method of protest accomplished tangible victories in both movements. However, the success enjoyed by Gandhi's social movements varied wildly. In South Africa, Gandhi mobilized Indians against local legislative measures designed to strip them of their voting rights. Throughout this period Gandhi underwent a significant ideological shift, from Aryan supremacist, to humanitarian spiritualist. His appeal spread throughout the Indian world, and soon even English were contributing to his movement. Yet, victories never amounted to the democratization of the colony, let alone equal rights for Indian laborers. In India1 wee see Gandhi’s mobilization of Indians in the name of hind-swaraj lead to the withdrawal of British power from the nation. However, I speculate that this success had as much to do with Indian nationalist Subhas Chandra Bose, as it did Mohandas Gandhi. Bose and Gandhi each led hind-swaraj movements that conflicted deeply on an ideological and strategic basis. While Gandhi focused on the power of nonviolent civil disobedience within a state, Bose focused on diplomacy with Britain's enemies and the use of international pressures. The cumulative pressure of both movements during the British Empire's weakest moment. WWII, resulted in hind-swaraj.

By examining Gandhi as a political organiser it may be possible to bridge the gap between two interpretations of his importance -- one which focuses on his propagation of nonviolence "as a way of life", the other- which treats him as a pioneer in the use of nonviolence "as a conflict technique. " Gandhi named his philosophy and his method of action, "satyagraha". Between 1915 and 1922 he emerged as the organiser of local satyagraha campaigns in Bihar and Gujarat. He moved quickly, however, to leadership of further struggles at a national level, in particular the hoxlatt Satyagraha in 1919 and Noncooperation eighteen months later. The thesis explores, through a series of case studies, how Gandhi developed his methods as he moved over a period of about five years from local to national scale. At the national level, Gandhi failed to take India by storm as he had hoped through organisations founded by himself to propagate his principles like the Satyagraha Sabha and the Swadeshi Sabha. He therefore forged alliances with political figures from other perspectives within the Khilafat movement and the Indian Rational Congress who nonetheless were prepared to follow his direction. A principal means which Gandhi developed for generating solidarity between the nation's educated "classes" and the "masses" and for mobilising people short of civil disobedience, was the promotion of campaigns of constructive work. This is particularly clear in his planning and leadership of the Noncooperation movement. Presentation of nonviolent action in the West, by overstressing the "conflict" aspect of satyagraha and neglecting the "constructive", has been one-sided. The importance in Gandhi's method as an organiser of a concept of constructive programme and its application in practice suggests that advocates of nonviolent action as a technique should look more closely at the balance between the two aspects in his approach. The thesis concludes with a review'of the rules and stages in Gandhi's satyagraha campaigns which have been proposed in the work of Joan Bondurant.

By examining Gandhi as a political organiser it may be possible to bridge the gap between two interpretations of his importance -- one which focuses on his propagation of nonviolence "as a way of life", the other- which treats him as a pioneer in the use of nonviolence "as a conflict technique. " Gandhi named his philosophy and his method of action, "satyagraha". Between 1915 and 1922 he emerged as the organiser of local satyagraha campaigns in Bihar and Gujarat. He moved quickly, however, to leadership of further struggles at a national level, in particular the hoxlatt Satyagraha in 1919 and Noncooperation eighteen months later. The thesis explores, through a series of case studies, how Gandhi developed his methods as he moved over a period of about five years from local to national scale. At the national level, Gandhi failed to take India by storm as he had hoped through organisations founded by himself to propagate his principles like the Satyagraha Sabha and the Swadeshi Sabha. He therefore forged alliances with political figures from other perspectives within the Khilafat movement and the Indian Rational Congress who nonetheless were prepared to follow his direction. A principal means which Gandhi developed for generating solidarity between the nation's educated "classes" and the "masses" and for mobilising people short of civil disobedience, was the promotion of campaigns of constructive work. This is particularly clear in his planning and leadership of the Noncooperation movement. Presentation of nonviolent action in the West, by overstressing the "conflict" aspect of satyagraha and neglecting the "constructive", has been one-sided. The importance in Gandhi's method as an organiser of a concept of constructive programme and its application in practice suggests that advocates of nonviolent action as a technique should look more closely at the balance between the two aspects in his approach. The thesis concludes with a review'of the rules and stages in Gandhi's satyagraha campaigns which have been proposed in the work of Joan Bondurant. / Long Dene Fund

”I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.” Martin Luther Kings jrs. starka stämma ekade ut ur högtalarsystemet och de 250 000 medborgarrättsaktivisterna som var samlade vid George Washington monumentet i USA:s huvudstad  instämde i ett jublande bifall. Året var 1963 och Martin Luther King jr., hade i nio år varit känd som den amerikanska medborgarrättsrörelsens främste talesman, när han i sitt tal till det amerikanska folket yttrade sin vision för det amerikanska samhällets framtid.      Denna uppsats beskriver det afro-amerikanskafolkets historia, från slaveriets bojor i de Nordamerikanska kolonierna i slutet av 1600-talet, till kampen för fullständiga medborgerliga rättigheter i 1950- och 60-talets USA. Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka religionens betydelse för det afro-amerikanska folket, samt studera Martin Luther King jrs. inflytande över den amerikanska medborgarrättsrörelsen och dess användande av icke-våldsmetoder som medel för att nå samhällsomvandling.

The current trend of global violence and their impact on families and communities as well as the field of university education is scary for a society that is struggling with this false sense of apathy and complacency. How did the ordinary people get seduced to the idea that there is no way out of this global assault? How then do we extricate ourselves from this “tortured consciousness” (Asante, 2007) and this false sense of “nihilism” (West, 1994) and recoup this “incommensurable loss” (Simmons, 2010) to global violence? Even more crucial, where is the place of education in retrieving this incommensurable loss while providing hope and possibility for a better future? Provoked by the desire to have answers to these questions, the dissertation relies on the knowledge and experiences of twenty qualitatively selected university activists and existing literature to critically examine the non-violent praxes of Gandhi and King, Jr. and their pedagogical implications for transformative university education. The dissertation further draws on the knowledge of Frantz Fanon and Malcolm X to bring complex and nuanced readings to violence and non-violence. The dissertation notes that violence and non-violence are not mutually exclusive as already known. The dissertation also notes that while resistive violence may be justified, it does not necessarily guarantee true transformation, reconciliation, and healing. Instead, love, humility, truth, dialogue, non-violent direct action, discipline, and spirituality are salient in achieving true transformation in university activism. The dissertation further observes that educational activism is more than walking on the street with placards to protest against institutional violence. Sometimes, the secret activism that is done strategically within the corridors of power can achieve more far-reaching results than the open protest against power on the street. The dissertation concludes with six key non-violent strategies that can help in social and political mobilization of university students for transformative university education.

The current trend of global violence and their impact on families and communities as well as the field of university education is scary for a society that is struggling with this false sense of apathy and complacency. How did the ordinary people get seduced to the idea that there is no way out of this global assault? How then do we extricate ourselves from this “tortured consciousness” (Asante, 2007) and this false sense of “nihilism” (West, 1994) and recoup this “incommensurable loss” (Simmons, 2010) to global violence? Even more crucial, where is the place of education in retrieving this incommensurable loss while providing hope and possibility for a better future? Provoked by the desire to have answers to these questions, the dissertation relies on the knowledge and experiences of twenty qualitatively selected university activists and existing literature to critically examine the non-violent praxes of Gandhi and King, Jr. and their pedagogical implications for transformative university education. The dissertation further draws on the knowledge of Frantz Fanon and Malcolm X to bring complex and nuanced readings to violence and non-violence. The dissertation notes that violence and non-violence are not mutually exclusive as already known. The dissertation also notes that while resistive violence may be justified, it does not necessarily guarantee true transformation, reconciliation, and healing. Instead, love, humility, truth, dialogue, non-violent direct action, discipline, and spirituality are salient in achieving true transformation in university activism. The dissertation further observes that educational activism is more than walking on the street with placards to protest against institutional violence. Sometimes, the secret activism that is done strategically within the corridors of power can achieve more far-reaching results than the open protest against power on the street. The dissertation concludes with six key non-violent strategies that can help in social and political mobilization of university students for transformative university education.

The Sounds of Satyagraha: Gandhi's Use of Sung-Prayers and Ritual M.K. Gandhi's work towards Indian independence was influenced significantly by sung-prayers found in a collection entitled Ashram Bhajanavali, a collection which, in turn, gives fresh insight into the satyagraha movement. Gandhi's employment of sung-prayers, chant, and ritual has, however, gone unrecognized until this time. The Sounds of Satyagraha presents detailed information concerning how formative and how important these sung-prayers were to Gandhi and to the national independence movement. Chapter One sets forth this thesis, along with methodology, historical context, and certain terms defined. Chapter Two consists of a preliminary historical overview of the Ashram Bhajanavali, along with a descriptive summary of the sung-prayer materials found within it. (An analysis of ritual practices presented in Chapters 3 through 5 also provides additional information regarding historical context and development.) This collection of chanted prayers used by the Indian sayagraha community, has sometimes been referred to as a hymnal. However, the collection is much more than what the word "hymnal" might imply, both in the scope of its contents, and in its significance as a tool with which to understand the developments of Gandhi's satyagraha community. Chapters Three, Four, and Five examine in detail how the Ashram Bhajanavali was used in ritual contexts, and how these sung-prayers supported Gandhi and the nation in its work for social change. The ritual theory of Roy Rappaport is utilized to discover the Bhajanavali's sitz im leben. Chapter 3 discusses the use of these sung-prayers in ritual prayer meetings that occurred twice daily. Chapter 4 looks at additional ways in which these songs were used by Gandhi and the satyagraha community to achieve their purposes, as the movement grew into a national initiative. Chapter 5 considers how it is that this sung-prayer repertoire, being specifically sung and chanted (rather than spoken or read), had a significant power for India and appeal for the satyagraha communities. By placing this collection in its historical, social, and ritual contexts, the extent to which these sung-prayers influenced and shaped Gandhi's sayagraha in India becomes clear. Chapter 6 considers the life and work of one spiritual musician, Shri Karunamayee Abrol, who teaches the Ashram Bhajanavali, its melodies and its history. Shri Karunamayee's family were freedom fighters, and, as a child, she sang for Mahatma Gandhi, receiving his blessing. Shri Karunamayee represents a living tradition. Inspired by childhood experiences and her respect for Gandhi, she has a special devotion to this repertoire. As a spiritual musician, she is a "tradition-bearer" of the Ashram Bhajanavali. The chanting of these sung-prayers has been her daily devotional ritual for decades. Her teaching, which stems from both musical knowledge and Æ⁄¿‰ò™ experience, provides additional insight into satyagraha. Chapter Seven concludes with a review of the evidence, illustrating the large extent to which Gandhi was guided by the sung-prayers and principles found in the Ashram Bhajanavali collection. It also consists of reflections in an analysis of the success or failure of satyagraha. Ashram Bhajanavali offers insight into the Indian independence movement, which has not been acknowledged or identified previously. Final reflections place this collection within the on-going East-West dialogue, indicating its continuing importance in the current discussion.