No description available.

This study is largely concerned with the experiences of the locked-out miners and their families during the national coalmining dispute of 1926 . Enthusiasm for the stoppage amongst rank-and-file miners varied considerably from one mining district to another and an attempt is made to identify and account for both intra and interregional variations in solidarity . From quite early in the dispute the danger of widespread destitution in the coalfields presented perhaps the most immediate threat to solidarity. Particular attention is therefore paid to the efforts made to overcome this threat and to the sources of relief available to mining communities in 1926 . Various forms of community and individual self- help are looked at in some detail as is the operation of the Poor Law, which played such a crucial and controversial role in the dispute. In some districts local co-operative societies provided considerable relief to mining families in the form of extended credit both to the miners ' unions and to individual members . In others, retail societies demonstrated little or no apparent sympathy for the miners . Relationships between the co-operative and trade union movements during the General strike and continuing mining dispute are examined at some length and an attempt is made to account for the differing responses of co-operative societies called upon to assist the miners in their struggle.

In 1938, San Antonio’s pecan shellers waged a five-week strike against their employers. The shellers had few resources at their disposal, and, moreover, most of them were Mexican women. During the work stoppage, the picketers endured widespread opposition and police brutality. Nonetheless, the shellers forced their employers to arbitrate. Previous scholars have characterized the strike as spontaneous, but closer examination reveals the events and circumstances that spurred the shellers to action. Specifically, this work will address why the strike occurred at the beginning of 1938, and how the shellers achieved a successful outcome. Political and economic factors in the early twentieth century resulted in a massive wave of migration from Mexico into the U.S. Newly arrived Mexican workers faced discrimination in the workplace and in their personal lives. That discrimination resulted in low wages for Mexican workers. Low wages forced Mexicans in San Antonio to live in the city’s west side neighborhood, which lacked adequate housing and infrastructure. Such conditions gave pecan workers considerable reason to resent their employers and seek change. Grievances alone might explain why the shellers struck, but they do not explain the strike’s success. Pecan workers relied on solidarity formed over many years to sustain their work stoppage until their employers surrendered. Solidarity was formed in a variety of venues on the west side, in both formal and informal organizations. Leisure activities also fostered unity, often along cultural lines. The shellers also built a sense of togetherness through labor organizations and mutual aid societies. The political climate in San Antonio during the late 1930s provided the final piece to the puzzle of the strike’s success. Election results at the federal, state, and local levels signaled that voters sought the leadership of individuals who advocated increased rights for workers and minorities. The shellers seized on the political climate, waging their strike at a time when it stood a better than average chance to succeed. Without the combination of poverty, solidarity, and opportunity that existed for Mexicans on the west side in January 1938, the strike’s occurrence and outcome would have been in considerable doubt.

In 1938, San Antonio’s pecan shellers waged a five-week strike against their employers. The shellers had few resources at their disposal, and, moreover, most of them were Mexican women. During the work stoppage, the picketers endured widespread opposition and police brutality. Nonetheless, the shellers forced their employers to arbitrate. Previous scholars have characterized the strike as spontaneous, but closer examination reveals the events and circumstances that spurred the shellers to action. Specifically, this work will address why the strike occurred at the beginning of 1938, and how the shellers achieved a successful outcome. Political and economic factors in the early twentieth century resulted in a massive wave of migration from Mexico into the U.S. Newly arrived Mexican workers faced discrimination in the workplace and in their personal lives. That discrimination resulted in low wages for Mexican workers. Low wages forced Mexicans in San Antonio to live in the city’s west side neighborhood, which lacked adequate housing and infrastructure. Such conditions gave pecan workers considerable reason to resent their employers and seek change. Grievances alone might explain why the shellers struck, but they do not explain the strike’s success. Pecan workers relied on solidarity formed over many years to sustain their work stoppage until their employers surrendered. Solidarity was formed in a variety of venues on the west side, in both formal and informal organizations. Leisure activities also fostered unity, often along cultural lines. The shellers also built a sense of togetherness through labor organizations and mutual aid societies. The political climate in San Antonio during the late 1930s provided the final piece to the puzzle of the strike’s success. Election results at the federal, state, and local levels signaled that voters sought the leadership of individuals who advocated increased rights for workers and minorities. The shellers seized on the political climate, waging their strike at a time when it stood a better than average chance to succeed. Without the combination of poverty, solidarity, and opportunity that existed for Mexicans on the west side in January 1938, the strike’s occurrence and outcome would have been in considerable doubt.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1973. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1962. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 124-125).

The authors report a case of breastfeeding strike temporally related to the onset of a herpes zoster prodrome involving the left breast.

This thesis analyzes the Seattle and Winnipeg general strikes of 1919, and represents them as two analogous ideological struggles for national hegemony in the post-First World War period. It argues that a comparative analysis of the pro- and anti-strike press during these two strikes reveals that the “form” of nationalism enveloped the “content” of each group’s ideological foundations, conceptions of class, and conceptions of justice, and that this “content” – when extracted from its national “form” – reveals a shared sense of progressive vision among the two groups of strikers, and a shared sense of conservative vision among their opponents. / Graduate / 0578 / 0615 / vanmull@unbc.ca

No description available.

No description available.