archives@tulane.edu / In anthropology, political systems have typically been investigated through state models that emphasize top-down authoritative power. Contrarily, community studies have tended to focus on bottom-up social practices without addressing how broader political systems are constituted. This dissertation develops the theoretical concept of the political community as a framework to bridge these approaches, using the investigation of community to understand how political structures are continually created and recreated. Political communities are constituted through interaction and practices of identity formation, and the exercise of relational power in these contexts creates and transforms formal power structures at different scales. Archaeologically, by examining practices of interaction and identity formation, as well as the power negotiations inherent in these practices, ancient political communities can be reconstructed. In this dissertation, I demonstrate the potential of this framework by investigating the constitution of political community at the ancient Maya site of La Cariba in northwestern Guatemala over roughly a millennium. Interaction, identity, and power are examined through multiple lines of evidence, including historical data, ceramic artifacts, lithic artifacts, energetic data, architectural style, and mortuary practices. During the Late Preclassic period (300 BC – AD 150), La Cariba was the center of a broad, dispersed political community in which formal political structures may have gradually begun to coalesce. In the early part of the Early Classic period (AD 150 – 420), the political community centered at La Cariba was integrated into the emergent political system centered at the site of La Corona within a heterogeneous landscape. La Cariba was later reestablished in the Late Classic (AD 600 – 830) under the commission of Yajawteʹ Kʹinich of La Corona, and La Cariba was firmly integrated into the broader La Corona political community, with no evidence for any salient interaction or identity at the local level. The results of this study demonstrate that the political community is highly dynamic, changing in scale, locus, and practices of its constitution over time. The data from La Cariba also reflect the constitution of political systems in northwestern Guatemala over time, demonstrating the utility of a political community approach to the study of ancient complex polities. / 1 / David Chatelain

The topic of this thesis is the research on the participants of the February 28 Incident from the interaction of political organizations to exam the turmoil led by Peng Mon-chi organization and puts great emphasis on the further excavation of the true facts of the earliest 11th(February 27th to March ninth in Year 36 of the Republic of China) of the 228 affairseses in Kaohsiung Cities, construct at that time concretely the history, to distinguish the affairs conflict in early days the organization situation of the aggressor and it acted, and tried to participate the situation and organization to interact the situation from private gentry in the place, finding out in 228 property of the affairseses of Kaohsiung.

AN ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION OF PHILLIP JULIUS WANYERKA, for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in ANTHROPOLOGY, presented on 25, February 2009, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: CLASSIC MAYA POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE OF HIERARCHICAL ORGANIZATION IN THE SOUTHERN MAYA MOUNTAINS REGION OF BELIZE MAJOR PROFESSORS: Dr. Charles A. Hofling and Dr. Don S. Rice This project investigates the nature of Classic Maya (A.D. 300-900) political organization from the hieroglyphic inscriptions of sites located in the Southern Maya Mountains Region of Belize, Central America. Using recent models of political integration as suggested by Grube and Martin (1994, 1995, 1998a, 1998b, 1998c), as well as by Rice (2004), I have sought to understand and define the basic political principles that operated during the Classic Period. In my view, Classic Maya political organization was structured by a combination of hegemonic practice informed by Maya calendrical science, namely the 256-year cycle known as the may. Scholars have struggled in their attempts to define and reconstruct Classic Maya political organization. Most of the previous approaches to this issue have been derived from anthropological theory based on various social, geographic, economic, and political factors observed or deduced from the archaeological record or from ethnographic analogies to pre-industrial peoples far-removed from Mesoamerican cultural tradition. Both Martin and Grube, and Rice's political models are based on the ethnohistoric descriptions and analogies to Postclassic and early Colonial Period Maya, the Mixtecs, and the Aztecs as well as the decipherment of several key hieroglyphic expressions that indicate agency, alliance, subordination, and warfare. This approach may explain how Classic Maya polities operated intra-regionally and how they interacted inter-regionally using the Maya's own written inscriptions as the basis for interpretation. The strength of this approach is its ability to illuminate possible avenues of archaeological research by revealing epigraphic relationships that can then be tested. By combining the methods of epigraphy, archaeology, and a direct historical approach to the hieroglyphic inscriptions of this region, I have not only been able to reconstruct the dynastic history of sites in the region, but I have also been able to reconstruct the political affiliations and hierarchies that existed among sites in this poorly understood region of the southern Maya Lowlands. The data presented here are restricted to the four major emblem-glyph-bearing sites in the region that recorded hieroglyphic texts: Lubaantún, Nim Li Punit, Pusilhá, and Uxbenká.

Thesis advisor: Jonathan Laurence / What explains the rise of religious nationalism in established and ostensibly secular democracies? The resurgence of religion in the public sphere has transformed the political landscape of dozens of countries over the last half century, including authoritarian and democratic regimes and developed and developing states. This dissertation seeks to explain how and why religious nationalists came to power in two large democracies in the developing world, Turkey and India, despite the unwavering commitment of those countries’ modern founders to secularism. In both cases, religious nationalists struggled for decades to unseat entrenched political parties and win national elections. They were often persecuted, banned and jailed for their political activism. However, by the 1990s, they began to challenge their secular opponents and win power. Based on in-depth interviews with political elites and activists from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey and the Bharata Janata Party (BJP) in India, I argue that party activists in both countries were able to build tightly controlled, hierarchical political organizations that benefited from the dense networks of religious associations. Crucially, they used these networks to create a robust local presence and active, year-round grassroots organizations and develop what I refer to as “personalistic membership parties.” This new party type, I argue, is different from both elite (cadre) and mass parties, and explains the continuing electoral achievements and political resilience of the BJP and the AKP even in the face of numerous crises. In addition, I explore how secular actors instrumentalized religion for their own electoral purposes and, in doing so, counter-intuitively strengthened the religious movements they sought to oppose. More broadly, the comparison of India and Turkey helps to illuminate the problems and future of the secular state in the non-Western world, as both countries are now governed by right-wing populist, religious majoritarianism that challenges the secular nature of the state and its democratic character. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2018-09-19T14:42:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Leonardo Angelo da Silva.pdf: 993384 bytes, checksum: ad459aeedc901e7751f23a25a79e1a02 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-19T14:42:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Leonardo Angelo da Silva.pdf: 993384 bytes, checksum: ad459aeedc901e7751f23a25a79e1a02 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-17 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior, CAPES, Brasil. / The subject of this master thesis is the arrival of a huge contingent of migrant workers to the construction of the largest steel mill of the country, the formation of a collective identity among those workers and their relationship to other social classes, aiming to overcome their most immediate need. More specifically, this work searches to understand the imbricate relationship among the CSN construction, the class formation of its workers and the relationship among both and the local political space, as well as with the political emancipation of the town of Volta Redonda. Once we analyze the relationships between the workers-inhabitants and institutional politics, we notice that the survival strategies, for some, and the building up of political capital and patronage, for other were part of the complex social reality that comprised workers organization as well as paternalism and clientelism. Individual trajectories, comparisons to other industrial towns and their emancipations, as well as analysis focusing on the electoral scenario of the post-1945 period, particularly in Rio de Janeiro state, are also included in this work. / O tema dessa disserta??o ? an?lise que enfoca a chegada de um enorme contingente de trabalhadores migrantes para a constru??o da maior usina do pa?s, a forma??o de uma identidade coletiva desses trabalhadores e sua rela??o com outras classes sociais, objetivando a supera??o de suas necessidades mais imediatas. Mais especificamente, o estudo busca o entendimento da imbricada rela??o entre a constru??o da CSN, a forma??o de classe de seus trabalhadores e a rela??o de ambos com o espa?o pol?tico local e com a emancipa??o da cidade de Volta Redonda. Ao analisarmos as rela??es entre os trabalhadores-moradores e a pol?tica institucional notamos que as estrat?gias de sobreviv?ncia, para uns, e da constru??o de capital pol?tico e clientela, para outros, estavam inclusas na complexa realidade social que englobava tanto a organiza??o dos trabalhadores quanto paternalismo e clientelismo. Trajet?rias individuais, compara??es com outras cidades industriais e suas emancipa??es, bem como an?lise do cen?rio pol?tico-eleitoral no p?s-1945, principalmente do Rio de Janeiro, est?o contidos nesse trabalho.

The coffee trade in Chiapas, Mexico is a unique approach of sustainable development and economic integration, demonstrating that local social movements can change behaviors in international trade regimes. The Zapatista community of Chiapas, Mexico, has an impact on the global trade system, where resultant changes begin at the local level. In the southern Mexican state of Chiapas, factors contributing to the Zapatista rebellion have led actors within civil society to form new socio-political organizations capable of changing participation, norms, and economic outcomes during the post-rebellion period (1994 - present). This study explores the dilemmas facing the autonomy of actors in broadening and deepening their roles in the fair trade movement. It argues that innovative practices of fair trade coffee production, originating at the local level in Chiapas from Zapatista reform measures, has a transformative effect on international trade regimes. The Zapatista social movement has aided Mayans and other groups in establishing new linkages where the impacts of fair trade are experienced beyond the local level. Social movement theorists provide an analytical framework necessary to examine these dynamic linkages between civil society, the state, and international trade regimes. However, contemporary Latin American social movement theorists do not seem to have adequately transcended the dualism between civil society and the state. The importance of this study is that it illuminates how, although the state remains the principle actor, these linkages formed by fair trade have important repercussions for the autonomy of indigenous groups in pursuing independent economic relations. Findings illustrate that fair trade is a viable means to socially re-embed international trade relations, attributing new rules, norms, and procedures to trade regimes. Reorganization in the face of state oppression has enabled a shift from anti-globalization tendencies toward an alternative form of economic integration which has become widely legitimized through a three-way dynamic between civil society, the state, and the international community.

By examining Gandhi as a political organiser it may be possible to bridge the gap between two interpretations of his importance -- one which focuses on his propagation of nonviolence "as a way of life", the other- which treats him as a pioneer in the use of nonviolence "as a conflict technique. " Gandhi named his philosophy and his method of action, "satyagraha". Between 1915 and 1922 he emerged as the organiser of local satyagraha campaigns in Bihar and Gujarat. He moved quickly, however, to leadership of further struggles at a national level, in particular the hoxlatt Satyagraha in 1919 and Noncooperation eighteen months later. The thesis explores, through a series of case studies, how Gandhi developed his methods as he moved over a period of about five years from local to national scale. At the national level, Gandhi failed to take India by storm as he had hoped through organisations founded by himself to propagate his principles like the Satyagraha Sabha and the Swadeshi Sabha. He therefore forged alliances with political figures from other perspectives within the Khilafat movement and the Indian Rational Congress who nonetheless were prepared to follow his direction. A principal means which Gandhi developed for generating solidarity between the nation's educated "classes" and the "masses" and for mobilising people short of civil disobedience, was the promotion of campaigns of constructive work. This is particularly clear in his planning and leadership of the Noncooperation movement. Presentation of nonviolent action in the West, by overstressing the "conflict" aspect of satyagraha and neglecting the "constructive", has been one-sided. The importance in Gandhi's method as an organiser of a concept of constructive programme and its application in practice suggests that advocates of nonviolent action as a technique should look more closely at the balance between the two aspects in his approach. The thesis concludes with a review'of the rules and stages in Gandhi's satyagraha campaigns which have been proposed in the work of Joan Bondurant.

No description available.

Orientador: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio / Banca: Jair Pinheiro / Banca: Fátima Aparecida Cabral / Banca: Lúcio Flávio Rodrigues de Almeida / Banca: Maria Orlanda Pinassi / Resumo: O presente trabalho analisa o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Teto (MTST), buscando reconstruir sua história e compreender como a reconfiguração da classe trabalhadora e a ação política no Brasil recente, repercutem sobre os projetos e ações deste movimento. Partimos da construção histórica dos movimentos sociais urbanos a partir do final dos anos 70, mostrando suas principais características e como suas ações forçaram um debate político sobre a organização dos trabalhadores em movimentos por moradia. Ao relacionar o MTST à historicidade dos movimentos sociais no Brasil pós-ditadura militar, queremos demonstrar que há um repertório de ação que foi ressignificado pelo MTST advindo daqueles movimentos. Por outro lado, construiu-se um projeto político formulado de maneira mais acabada pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e pela Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT), que teve repercussão intensa em movimentos como o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Terra (MST), que contribuiu para as primeiras formulações do MTST, principalmente em sua forma de organização (ocupações e dinâmica dos acampamentos). Porém, a conjuntura neoliberal em que surge o movimento, impõe novas formulações internas e novos modos de enfrentamento com o Estado e o capital, que fazem com que o movimento ultrapasse o projeto participativo democratizante que se tornou hegemônico na esquerda brasileira dos anos 80 e 90. O MTST surge no final dos anos 90 e cresce em numero de ocupações e área de sua atuação territorial, até chegar à nacionalização em 2009. Toda sua trajetória foi construída sob o projeto neoliberal em pleno desenvolvimento no Brasil, e mais da metade de sua existência ocorreu durante os dois governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores na presidência da República. Com um projeto político... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This paper analyzes the Movement of Homeless Workers - MTST, showing its history and trying to understand how the reconfiguration of the working class and social policy, more specifically the housing, impacts on the projects and actions of this movement. We start our discussion from the construction of urban social movements of the late 1970s, showing its main characteristics and how their actions have forced a debate on the political organization of workers in movements for housing. We seek to demonstrate that the legacy of these movements was reframed by MTST that arises in the late '90s with the neoliberal project in Brazil in full deployment. The growth of MTST and its nationalization in 2009, occurs during the two governments of the Workers Party in the presidency, leading to new ways of coping with the State and its policy, which we analyzed through the perspective of class struggle in Brazil. With an anti-capitalist political project, MTST, experiences the difficulties of collective action that seeks radical changes in society, the need for negotiation to obtain the demands of its social base and maintaining consistency between their political positions and dynamic form of internal organization. Thus, the core of our research is to examine the trajectory of MTST as an element in the class struggle in Brazil in the last 15 years / Doutor

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-11T13:41:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Francenilda G de Oliveira.pdf: 1758874 bytes, checksum: 9bcfc3c9a44f92c761b632273a44cf0d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-12-10 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The political organization of fishermen configures itself from a series of changes in the fishing industry over the history of the region, the internal dynamics of the communities sobredeterminadas generated by the socio-economic and political environment of the region. From this understanding, the present study is to examine the purpose political organization of fishermen in the community Tauarú in the municipality of Tabatinga / Am. The cut methodology considers the people who participate in studies as important actors in the formulation of new knowledge. The approach of stamp investigative and analytical, characterized as a case study, covering the combination of quantitative and qualitative data collected from the formal and informal representatives of fishermen in the community Tauarú. In this study, adopted is a set of tools and techniques mutually complementary, as application forms, semi-structured, formal and informal conversations, home visits, systematic observation and assistemática, registration fonográfico and photographs. The discussion about the political organization, links to the configuration of social movements in the search for alternatives and strategies for answering the real demands of organized groups. Thus, the study indicates that the fishermen in the Amazon region, began to organize itself in the quest to defend the right to use and management of fish stocks. Therefore, the political organization of fishermen, engendered by changes in the fishery, where despite the difficulties, there is as a strategy to mobilize to have access to fishery resources and property and social services. / A organização política dos pescadores configura-se a partir um conjunto de mudanças ocorridas no setor da pesca ao longo da história da região, da dinâmica interna das comunidades sobredeterminadas geradas pelo contexto sócio-econômico e político da região. A partir dessa compreensão, o presente estudo tem como intuito analisar a organização política dos pescadores na comunidade Tauarú no município de Tabatinga/Am. O recorte metodológico considera as populações que participam dos estudos como agentes importantes na formulação de novos saberes. A abordagem de cunho investigativo e analítico, caracterizou-se como um estudo de caso, abrangendo a associação de dados quantitativos e qualitativos coletados junto aos representantes formais e informais dos pescadores na comunidade Tauarú. Neste estudo, adotou-se um conjunto de instrumentos e técnicas complementares entre si, como aplicação de formulários, entrevistas semi-estruturadas, conversas formais e informais, visitas domiciliares, observação sistemática e assistemática, registro fonográfico e fotográfico. A discussão acerca da organização política, articula-se com a configuração dos movimentos sociais na busca de alternativas e estratégias para o atendimento às reais demandas dos grupos organizados. Assim, o estudo indica que os pescadores na região Amazônica, passaram a organizar-se na busca de defender o direito de uso e gestão dos recursos pesqueiros. Portanto, a organização política dos pescadores, engendrada pelas mudanças no contexto da pesca, em que pese às dificuldades, vislumbra-se como estratégia de mobilização tenham para o acesso aos recursos pesqueiros e aos bens e serviços sociais.