Master of Arts / Department of Communication Studies / Charles J. G. Griffin / The term and concept of identification is a familiar one. The modern communication scholar’s knowledge of the term identification is drawn more directly from the works of Kenneth Burke. In 1950 Kenneth Burke released his book “A Rhetoric of Motives” and from this Burke outlined his concept of identification. To Burke, identification is a rhetorical process that leads to persuasion, and the identification process encompasses all the traditional forms of rhetoric as a category of tools to establish identification within rhetorical discourse (Burke, 1950; Day, 1960). The concept of identification has been applied generously as the field of rhetoric has progressed. However, a minimal amount of research connecting identification and the rhetoric of social movements has been conducted. This is a problem, because social movements rely heavily on persuasion and influence to garner audience support, so a deeper investigation into identification and social movement rhetoric is warranted. In recent years the marriage equality movement has seen a rapid amount of success in establish same-sex marriage in a variety of states. What has changed that has allowed these movements to reach so much success so quickly? I believe the answer to this question lies in the rhetoric of these movements and their use of identification. This thesis asks an overarching question; “Does identification help to explain the success of a social movement?” Applying Burke’s concept of identification to two marriage equality movements, Minnesotans United for All Families and Fair Wisconsin, this thesis seeks to determine the role identification plays in a social movements success or failure. What this thesis finds is that identification is a vital component in determining a social movements overall success. Identification is a two-step process, where first identification strategies need to be present within a social movement’s rhetoric. For identification strategies to be effective not only must the strategies be present but also the audience must link these strategies with their subconscious and thereby include the movement as a part of his or her identity. In conducting this thesis critical implications are drawn in relation to identification theory, organizational recruitment and maintenance, as well as community building and engagement.

Master of Arts / Communications Studies / Charles J. Griffin / The 2011 Arab Spring Revolutions across the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region drew international attention to the collection action phenomenon of revolutions. Despite having a significant impact on today’s globalized world, revolutions have been widely unexplored by social movement rhetorical scholars. This lack of study has prompted scholars to call for the investigation of the role human agency plays during revolutions (Morris, 2000). Rhetorical scholars are well-suited to meet this call but lack a methodological framework to examine revolutions. In responding to Morris’ call and with an interest in adding to the body of rhetorical social movement literature, this thesis asks two research questions. What are the rhetorical characteristics of revolutions? Are revolutions rhetorically distinct from social movements? To answer these questions, this thesis translates Jack Goldstone’s (1998) Divergent View of Social Movements and Revolutions into a rhetorical model for studying revolutions. This adaptation of the political science model relies heavily on Leland Griffin’s (1969) and Charles Stewart’s (1980) models of social movements. Additionally, the adapted model also incorporates James Wilkinson’s (1989) discussion of revolutionary rhetorical functions. The application of the new rhetorical model to the Egyptian Arab Spring reveals revolutions rhetorically develop and function in ways that creates a clear distinction between revolutions from social movements. These findings prompt discussion of methodological and critical implications.

Master of Arts / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / Robert K. Schaeffer / Following a strict form of vegetarianism, vegans adopt a philosophy and practice a lifestyle that seeks to eliminate the use of all animal products and by-products in any form. Although vegetarian diets have been popular in many cultures for centuries, a more organized and defined version of veganism as we know it today did not emerge until the mid-1940s. Although the origins and nature of vegetarianism and veganism have been researched in depth for decades, this lifestyle has scarcely been evaluated as a social movement. Therefore, I seek to fill this gap in knowledge and describe veganism as a social movement and evaluate its social effects. I have gathered historical and sociological data and theories from a variety of sources. I combine this data in order to thoroughly illustrate the history, nature, and future of vegans as a social movement and show how it has contributed to social change. The sociological definitions of what constitutes a social movement as described by Charles Tilly and Sidney Tarrow will illustrate the many ways vegans can be viewed as a social movement. A synthesis of these two social scientists’ definitions in the analysis of vegans as a social movement will show that vegans meet both Tilly and Tarrow’s criteria for a social movement. I will use these criteria as a framework to show how vegans’ activity and growth fit into Tilly and Tarrow’s theoretical outline for what constitutes a social movement. Further, I use other evidence such as polls and news articles in order to support this idea, showing the movement behaviors of vegans in Western culture.

This research project uses the 2010/11 student protests in the UK as a case study to understand why certain individuals mobilise for forms of political participation and activism and why others do not. The student protests are ideal as a case study of participation and non-participation for a number of reasons. The UK Government’s proposal to treble the cap tuition fees for students in England represented an issue of widespread grievance for the student population, a grievance which was compounded for many by the Liberal Democrats’ decision to u-turn on its 2010 election campaign pledge. The student response featured large-scale regional and national demonstrations, as well as the formation of a network of simultaneous campus occupations across the UK, arguably presenting a greater scale and diversity of protest than had been seen for a generation. Despite these multiple participatory opportunities, however, student participation did not come close to matching the scale of opposition to trebled fees and university funding cuts as articulated in surveys. This raises fundamental questions about the social and political differences between participants and non-participants. Using original survey data of students from 22 UK universities, and 56 in-depth interviews with students from 6 universities, this research examines social and political patterns and relations between high, medium and low-cost/risk participants, and non-participants. Taking into account the idea of the university campus as a network of actors, the research posits that networks may preclude as well as facilitate participation. The research studies in detail the formation and maintenance of student activism networks – including their collective identifications and dis-identifications. Conversely, the study also looks at the social networks of non-participants, and how these may help to socially produce and sustain non-participation at an agency level. Finally, the research considers whether the protests against fees and cuts should be seen as a unified movement, and whether student attitudes taken together reveal a broadly-identifiable ‘participatory ideal’.

The purpose of this study is to ascertain and explain the effectiveness of Roma political activism in contesting state oppression in Macedonia and Serbia. More specifically, this thesis seeks to investigate the divergent treatment of Roma communities in the respective states by analyzing the role of state institutions, civil society, political parties and international organizations. The thesis seeks to provide a multi-level analysis of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia by addressing the domestic and international factors that influence Roma political activism, and relies on two main theoretical concepts within the social movement literature: the Political Opportunity Structure (POS) model and 'transnational advocacy networks.' The POS model is a comprehensive framework to assess if Roma political activism has been effective in Macedonia and Serbia. This study uses the following components to describe the domestic factors that may facilitate or constrain Romani activism in the respective states: state repression and/or facilitation, institutional access, influential domestic and international allies. This thesis attempts to provide a detailed analysis of movement dynamics by taking into account the inter-relationship between actors and contesting groups. The limitations of the domestic opportunity structure regarding Roma advocacy in Macedonia and Serbia are outlined by describing the political context concerning minority inclusion, institutional mechanisms, and NGO/political party activities. As domestic opportunity structures are 'closed,' Roma activists and NGOs seek international allies to influence and change domestic policy on Roma inclusion. This study, while recognizing the importance of other international initiatives, specifically focuses on various institutions of the European Union as the main international actor influencing Roma inclusion policies in Eastern Europe. The thesis outlines the main EU initiatives on Roma inclusion to provide an overview of the opportunities and challenges in the international arena. Furthermore, it analyzes the interaction between international and civil society organizations assessing the effectiveness of the 'transnational advocacy networks.' Finally, the thesis provides a comparative analysis of Roma political activism in Macedonia and Serbia, indicating coordinated action has not been successful.

This dissertation examines the production of an everyday politics of infrastructure within informal settlements in the Khayelitsha area of Cape Town, South Africa. As residents attempt to meet water, sanitation, and electricity needs through assemblages of informal service connections, in addition to limited formal services provided by the municipality, their material exclusions are articulated as evidence of persistent political marginality. Residents engage in multiple modes of politicized action seeking expansion to formal infrastructure and full inclusion in the promises of citizenship. However, they also face an array of complications created by municipal reliance upon neoliberal policies, practices, and logics. Despite a nominal emphasis on participatory processes of governance and development, municipal approaches to service provision and community engagement produce further marginalization. In order to theorize the intersection of neoliberal urban governance and democratic practice, this dissertation examines participation as the result of complex interactions between everyday experience, urban governance, circulating moral logics, and the work of civil society. The realm of politics emerges as one unbound by parties, NGOs, or social movements; instead, it is read dialectically both into and from the landscape of informality. Across three articles, this dissertation examines participation as a contested terrain of politicized action, shaped by neoliberal practices of governance, post-colonial tensions, and uneven social acknowledgement of experience, knowledge, and action.

In June 2013, Brazil saw a resurgence of its nation wide social movement, the size of which had not been seen for little over 20 years, since the fall of its military dictatorship. The mobilizations began by demanding a R$0.20 decrease in transportation fare costs, but soon its demands evolved into better public policy and anti-corruption measures. This paper explores the degree of success obtained by both branches of the movement, as well as what factors influenced their impact on policy making, therefore answering the question of “How successful were Brazil’s 2013 social movements, and what factors influenced such outcome?”. The study relies heavily on the media’s coverage of the events as its source of data, and uses Political Process Theory, Stages of Policy Responsiveness and Process Tracing to analyse the social movements’ impact on legislation. The results show that both branches achieved success, with transportation costs being reduced and anti-corruption policies being implemented. Such outcome can be attributed to the influence of both social movement internal organizational structures and positive public opinion, while absent of political alliances. The study hopes to entice future research regarding Brazil’s nation-wide rise in social movements, which have sprung as a result of recent corruption scandals discussed in this thesis.

published_or_final_version / abstract / Sociology / Master / Master of Philosophy

In Peru, the rapid expansion of extractive activities has led to increased mobilization by peasant communities. In remote rural areas, the mediating efforts of the state between communities and corporations are often weak, and corporations have played an important role in dealing with communities’ demands and protests through different strategies. These processes are illustrative of a broader trend in which private corporations engage in governance processes by assuming state-like functions in relation to citizens. This study investigates how communities’ mobilization and scope of influence is affected by their interactions with corporations. Based on interviews and written primary sources, the study provides a detailed empirical account of the multifaceted relations and negotiations between corporations and communities in the context of two macro-economically significant Peruvian mining projects – Rio Blanco and Las Bambas. In this way, the study contributes to the empirical and theoretical debates on the political role of corporations and the implications for social movements and democratic influence. The study shows that the presence of private corporations alters the conditions for mobilization by creating opportunities as well as constraints, with significant impact on mobilization structures and framing of demands. However, communities relate to those opportunities and constraints differently, depending on how state-society relations and other forms of private dynamics have played out historically at the subnational level.

Toward the start of the Palestinian Intifada in 2000, activists formed a media watchdog group called Palestine Media Watch (PMW) to challenge U.S. news coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Tired of coverage that blamed the conflict on Palestinian terrorism, PMW monitored news coverage, met with newsworkers, and bombarded news organizations with complaints in an attempt to root the conflict’s cause in Israel’s illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories. I study PMW’s efforts to produce change in coverage, and examine its campaigns’ effects. Most critical research examines the news system’s production of “propaganda” and news models suggest that media monitoring is one mechanism through which an entire “ideological air” is supported. “Guardian watchdogs,” like the Israel lobby, guard the ideological boundaries around news content that are erected by others. This study considers PMW’s efforts in terms articulated by the dialogic and dialectical models, which gives agency to dissident movements and requires study of the strategic interactions between media and movements to understand framing struggles. These models suggest that “dissident watchdogs,” like PMW, can affect news coverage. What is not clear is the extent to which dissident watchdogs can affect news content when they can make appeals that resonate with professional journalism but that do not resonate with the country’s ideological air. I examine PMW’s strategies to produce content changes between 2000 and 2004, detail the group’s interactions with newsworkers, and document the outcomes of those interactions to understand the struggle to affect media framing. The watchdog, when it systematically monitored coverage and individually critiqued news staff, produced substantive changes in content and practice but these were limited in number. When the watchdog bombarded news organizations with complaints it was able to produce several superficial changes, but these changes resulted in no meaningful impact on the news frame. These findings indicate that the dominant narrative is incorporative enough to accommodate “journalistically useful” points without resulting in a fundamental or substantive change in the frames that inform newswork. Thus, the emergence of dissident media monitors to “neutralize” guardian monitors is only one step toward affecting the entire “ideological air” that informs newswork of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and other issues. / text