Os Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) cumpriram um papel fundamental no processo de transição socialista iniciado em Cuba a partir de 1959. A Revolução, através deles, pode contar com o apoio das massas cubanas para enfrentar as muitas tarefas que se colocavam como desafios para a construção do socialismo no país. Construção que teria sido ainda mais difícil, não fossem os muitos cederistas em todo o país. Seu nascimento surge como resposta ao violento ataque contrarrevolucionário desencadeado com a ajuda do imperialismo estadunidense, mas rapidamente sofre uma profunda transformação. Os CDR, de forma bastante orgânica, passam a assumir as tarefas organizativas da vida cubana, fazendo com que a população atuasse em atividades que eram, até aquele momento, competência exclusiva do Estado. Com isso, os comités contribuem para a transformação do próprio caráter do Estado, tarefa essencial da transição socialista. O fato de que esta fosse uma sociedade de capitalismo dependente aumenta a dramaticidade da tarefa. Além disso, os CDR foram um importante canal para a participação política das massas cubanas, em um contexto em que as instituições políticas ainda não estavam suficientemente estabelecidas no país (período entre 1960 e 1975). Nesse sentido, agiram de forma dialética na contradição entre massas e vanguarda revolucionária, tensionando o processo em um sentido de maior democratização. / The Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) played a key role in the process of socialist transition initiated in Cuba in 1959. The Revolution, through them, can count on the support of the Cuban masses to face the many tasks that challenge for the construction of socialism in the country. Construction would have been even more difficult, if it were not for the many cederistas across the country. His birth comes as a response to the violent counterrevolutionary attack unleashed with the aid of US imperialism, but quickly undergoes a profound transformation. The CDR, in a very organic way, began to assume the organizational tasks of Cuban life, making the population work in activities that until then were the exclusive competence of the State itself. With this, the comités contribute to the transformation of the character of the State, an essential task of the socialist transition. The fact that it was a society of dependent capitalism increases the drama of the task. In addition, the CDR were an important channel for the political participation of the Cuban masses, in a context where political institutions were not sufficiently established in the country yet (between 1960 and 1975). In this sense, they acted dialectically in the contradiction between the masses and the revolutionary vanguard, stressing the process in a sense of greater democratization.

Os Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) cumpriram um papel fundamental no processo de transição socialista iniciado em Cuba a partir de 1959. A Revolução, através deles, pode contar com o apoio das massas cubanas para enfrentar as muitas tarefas que se colocavam como desafios para a construção do socialismo no país. Construção que teria sido ainda mais difícil, não fossem os muitos cederistas em todo o país. Seu nascimento surge como resposta ao violento ataque contrarrevolucionário desencadeado com a ajuda do imperialismo estadunidense, mas rapidamente sofre uma profunda transformação. Os CDR, de forma bastante orgânica, passam a assumir as tarefas organizativas da vida cubana, fazendo com que a população atuasse em atividades que eram, até aquele momento, competência exclusiva do Estado. Com isso, os comités contribuem para a transformação do próprio caráter do Estado, tarefa essencial da transição socialista. O fato de que esta fosse uma sociedade de capitalismo dependente aumenta a dramaticidade da tarefa. Além disso, os CDR foram um importante canal para a participação política das massas cubanas, em um contexto em que as instituições políticas ainda não estavam suficientemente estabelecidas no país (período entre 1960 e 1975). Nesse sentido, agiram de forma dialética na contradição entre massas e vanguarda revolucionária, tensionando o processo em um sentido de maior democratização. / The Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) played a key role in the process of socialist transition initiated in Cuba in 1959. The Revolution, through them, can count on the support of the Cuban masses to face the many tasks that challenge for the construction of socialism in the country. Construction would have been even more difficult, if it were not for the many cederistas across the country. His birth comes as a response to the violent counterrevolutionary attack unleashed with the aid of US imperialism, but quickly undergoes a profound transformation. The CDR, in a very organic way, began to assume the organizational tasks of Cuban life, making the population work in activities that until then were the exclusive competence of the State itself. With this, the comités contribute to the transformation of the character of the State, an essential task of the socialist transition. The fact that it was a society of dependent capitalism increases the drama of the task. In addition, the CDR were an important channel for the political participation of the Cuban masses, in a context where political institutions were not sufficiently established in the country yet (between 1960 and 1975). In this sense, they acted dialectically in the contradiction between the masses and the revolutionary vanguard, stressing the process in a sense of greater democratization.

Os Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) cumpriram um papel fundamental no processo de transição socialista iniciado em Cuba a partir de 1959. A Revolução, através deles, pode contar com o apoio das massas cubanas para enfrentar as muitas tarefas que se colocavam como desafios para a construção do socialismo no país. Construção que teria sido ainda mais difícil, não fossem os muitos cederistas em todo o país. Seu nascimento surge como resposta ao violento ataque contrarrevolucionário desencadeado com a ajuda do imperialismo estadunidense, mas rapidamente sofre uma profunda transformação. Os CDR, de forma bastante orgânica, passam a assumir as tarefas organizativas da vida cubana, fazendo com que a população atuasse em atividades que eram, até aquele momento, competência exclusiva do Estado. Com isso, os comités contribuem para a transformação do próprio caráter do Estado, tarefa essencial da transição socialista. O fato de que esta fosse uma sociedade de capitalismo dependente aumenta a dramaticidade da tarefa. Além disso, os CDR foram um importante canal para a participação política das massas cubanas, em um contexto em que as instituições políticas ainda não estavam suficientemente estabelecidas no país (período entre 1960 e 1975). Nesse sentido, agiram de forma dialética na contradição entre massas e vanguarda revolucionária, tensionando o processo em um sentido de maior democratização. / The Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) played a key role in the process of socialist transition initiated in Cuba in 1959. The Revolution, through them, can count on the support of the Cuban masses to face the many tasks that challenge for the construction of socialism in the country. Construction would have been even more difficult, if it were not for the many cederistas across the country. His birth comes as a response to the violent counterrevolutionary attack unleashed with the aid of US imperialism, but quickly undergoes a profound transformation. The CDR, in a very organic way, began to assume the organizational tasks of Cuban life, making the population work in activities that until then were the exclusive competence of the State itself. With this, the comités contribute to the transformation of the character of the State, an essential task of the socialist transition. The fact that it was a society of dependent capitalism increases the drama of the task. In addition, the CDR were an important channel for the political participation of the Cuban masses, in a context where political institutions were not sufficiently established in the country yet (between 1960 and 1975). In this sense, they acted dialectically in the contradiction between the masses and the revolutionary vanguard, stressing the process in a sense of greater democratization.

Politische und sozioökonomische Rahmenbedingungen haben entscheidenden Einfluss auf Landnutzungswandel; die relative Bedeutung dieser Faktoren untereinander ist jedoch oftmals unklar. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, durch die Untersuchung der Auswirkungen der politischen und sozioökonomischen Transformation auf Landnutzungswandel in Osteuropa zu einem besseren Verständnis solcher übergreifenden Einflussfaktoren beizutragen. Am Beispiel des Dreiländerecks Polen-Slowakei-Ukraine in den Karpaten wurden hierzu grenzüberschreitende Landschaftsvergleiche durchgeführt, da solche Vergleiche die Entkopplung der Faktoren allgemeiner Landnutzungstrends von Faktoren länderspezifischer Veränderungen ermöglichen. Darüber hinaus sind die Auswirkungen postsozialistischen Landschaftswandels auf die Karpaten, einem Gebiet mit einzigartigem ökologischen Wert, bisher weitestgehend unerforscht. Mit Hilfe von Landsat TM/ETM+ Satellitendaten aus dem Jahr 2000 wurden rezente Landschaftsunterschiede zwischen Ländern quantifiziert. Auf der Basis von Bildern von 1986-2000 wurde anschliessend überprüft, ob Länderunterschiede auf sozialistischen oder post-sozialistischen Landschaftswandel zurückführbar sind. Die Ergebnisse dieser Analysen zeigten weit verbreiteten Landnutzungswandel nach 1989 als Folge von sich verschlechternden wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen, geschwächten Institutionen und gesellschaftlichem Wandel. Die Länder unterschieden sich jedoch auch deutlich hinsichtlich Forstveränderungen, Brachfallung und Parzellierung von Ackerland. Diese Unterschiede lassen sich durch verschiedene Besitzverhältnisse, Bewirtschaftungsformen und Landreformen erklären. Während sich Polen und die Slowakei landschaftlich seit 1989 annähern, entfernt sich die Ukraine zunehmend. Diese Arbeit unterstreicht die Bedeutung ökonomischer und institutioneller Veränderungen für Landschaftswandel und zeigt, wie unterschiedliche Besitzstrukturen und Landreformen Landschaftswandel beeinflussen. / Broad-scale political and socio-economic conditions are powerful determinants of land use change. Yet, their relative importance is unclear. The main goal of this thesis was to increase the understanding of such broad-scale drivers of land use change by studying how Eastern Europe’s landscapes were affected by the political and socio-economic transition after the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989. The border triangle of Poland, Slovakia, and Ukraine in the Carpathians was selected as a study area, because cross-border comparisons of land use change allow for decoupling overall trends in the transition period from country specific changes. Moreover, the Carpathians are of exceptional ecological value, but little is known about land use effects on these ecosystems after 1989. Post-socialist land use change was quantified based on Landsat TM/ETM+ images by (1) comparing contemporary (year 2000) landscapes among countries, and (2) using images from 1986 to 2000 to investigate whether differences originated from socialist or post-socialist land use change. Results indicated that forest change, farmland abandonment, and farmland parcelization were widespread in the transition period, likely due to worsening economic conditions, weakened institutions, and societal change. However, land use trends also differed strongly among the three countries due to dissimilar land ownership patterns, land management practices, and land reforms. Poland and Slovakia converged in the transition period in terms of land cover, while Ukraine clearly diverged. This thesis provided compelling evidence of the importance of economic and institutional change for land use change and underpinned the pivotal role of ownership patterns and land management policies. These factors were important to understand land use change in Eastern Europe, and they are likely equally important elsewhere.