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M.A. (Historical Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

D.Comm. / The purpose of this study is to investigate the ways in which future development policy for post-apartheid South Africa must be structured. The motivation for the study stems from, firstly the way in which development issues were handled in the past, secondly the unique problematic nature of South Africa's development, and thirdly the shortcomings in the present proposals for development policy. If one examines the latest tendencies in the international literature on development policy, a shift in emphasis in the international approach to development since the late 1980s is discernible. Whereas the earlier emphasis in development policy was on the generating of economic growth which would have to trickle down to all levels of society, there has more recently been an increasing awareness of the important role which people must fulfil in the development process. According to the latest international literature on the subject, development must be a sustainable and humancentred process in which the protection of the environment, human security, and economic growth must be taken into account. As regards South Africa's development experience, this study came to the conclusion that the ways in which development issues were historically addressed were not successful. All policy initiatives were directed at the development of First World structures, the promotion of economic growth and the uplifting of minorities, while a ceiling was placed on opportunities for the development of the majority of the country's people. An economic growth pattern for development was thus advocated in which people and their development fulfilled a subordinate role. Although since the 1980s attempts have been made to stimulate development, these did not have political legitimacy in the eyes of the broader population and did not take place in a co-ordinated manner. The consequences of these policy initiatives are reflected in South Africa's current development problems. For the broader population, access to health, education and other essential services is either lacking or is of a poor quality. Human security is seriously threatened. Dualism occurs as regards the standard of human development and it is especially the black population, women and rural communities which have the greatest need for investment in human development. South Africa has limited environmental resources and in some areas has to deal with a degenerated environment. As regards economic growth, the economic growth pattern over the last two decades has seen the weakening of distribution of income, a reduction in per capita income and an increase in unemployment. The consequence of this is that approximately half of the population lives in poverty. Although since the early 1990s various policy documents have appeared with the aim of making policy proposals about the ways in which growth and development must be stimulated, none of these documents - including the Reconstruction and Development Programme - offers a satisfactory policy framework in which future development policy must be structured. As regards South Africa's unique development problems, the following proposals for a framework for future development policy are made: Development is the long-term goal which we endeavour to achieve. If a country really wants to benefit from the development process, it is necessary that development be a sustainable process. Sustainable development implies that development policy and decision-making in this regard must not only benefit the present generation, but future generations as well. A prerequisite for sustainable development, however, is that it must be humancentred. Development can therefore not be successful unless people and their choices are central to the development process. The humancentredness of development must therefore constitute the axis around which all development activities in South Africa must evolve. In order to ensure that sustainable development will be humancentred, it must, in accordance with the vision of the United Nations, be "pro-people, pro-jobs and pro-nature." Sustainable development is therefore a multidimensional and allinclusive concept with different dimensions. The discussion of a policy framework for South Africa examines the different dimensions which must be addressed in the development process in order to ensure that development in the long term will be people-centred and sustainable. The dimensions to be discussed include the social, economic, ecological, and also the political dimensions. Turning first to the social dimension, the ways in which people can be developed and their needs can be satisfied are discussed. Human development is thus regarded as the social dimension in the striving for sustainable development. Secondly the protection of the environment is discussed as the ecological dimension in the development process. Thirdly the striving for sustainable job-creating economic growth is regarded as the economic dimension in the development process. Lastly the political dimension of the development process is discussed, as it affects the successful formulation and facilitation of development policy. In addressing the different dimensions of the development process, the humancentreciness of the process must always be kept in mind. Humancentred development will clearly form the most important link in the striving for sustainable development in South Africa.

M.A. (Political Science) / In this study an investigation is made into: (a) the relationship between industrial conflict and political violence; (b) the role of organised labour in the strategy of revolution; and (c) the activities of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) as part of the revolutionary strategy of the ANC-led Liberation Alliance...

M.A. / The purpose of this study is to analyse the nature of the relationship between politics and art in South Africa during the period 1960 to 1996. The discussion is limited to the performing arts, which includes music, theatre, musicals and dance. The relationship between art and politics in South Africa manifested in two ways. Firstly, art was used to convey a specific political message and secondly, it served as an external political instrument with which the international community forced South Africa to put an end to apartheid. The latter was achieved by enforcing sanctions which included the cultural boycott. This study states clearly that art cannot be separated from society and constitutes that art is an important element sociologically speaking. It can thus be influenced by society and it can influence society in many ways. The artist, as a member of society, produce his/her art in accordance to his/her experience of a certain society. The artwork is therefore an "image" of society, because it reflects the artists' perspective of society. There is a relationship between art and politics in South Africa, because both the white and the black South Africans used art to create their own identity. Through art they could form a solidarity, and in the long run they could either sustain or gain political power. The whites wanted to sustain their power and therefore used the arts and art structures as a vehicle to maintain their Western(white) values. The blacks wanted to gain political power and, through the black consciousness movement and their anti-apartheid campaigns, they strove to gain political power. Art was therefore not only used by the blacks as a political weapon against the white apartheid regime, but also by the international community as a means to punish South Africa for the violation of human rights.

Research Report Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Political Studies University of the Witwatersrand March 2015 / Recent 21st century political developments in South Africa have given rise to debate surrounding a threat to a functioning democracy. New radical political parties, turmoil in the labour sectors, and dysfunctional government policies and activities have made populist tendencies a central aspect of this debate. Populism is an entity oft evoked in a negative light and rhetoric in this debate. It is associated with demagogues and the ‘uncontrollable’ urges of the masses that would be let loose upon society given the chance, destroying democracy in the process. It is the aim of this paper to argue the opposite. By expanding and contributing to the theoretical literature on populism, and through the analysis of empirical evidence – the Western Cape farm worker’s strikes and the Marikana strikes and subsequent massacre of 2012 –in South Africa this research report seeks to fill a gap in the conceptualisation and practical characterisation of populism in our political setting. Can populism be conceptually, theoretically, and empirically utilised to characterise and explain trends in contemporary South African politics and can it be utilised in providing a contextual underpinning for explaining recent events in South African society as a whole? Through the reliance on the theories of Ernesto Laclau and Slavoj Zizek the aim will be to identify the underlying gaps in democratic politics that gives rise to populist movements and through this argument to build and utilise this conception of populism as a positive and effective analytical tool of contemporary South African politics.

Submitted in the Sociology department at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg / Andrew Chakane 2018

A Dissertation submitted to the School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in the fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in Political Science by research. Johannesburg, January 2016 / A Tale of Two Temples: An Exploration of Caste addresses the notion of caste in South Africa, specifically among the Gujarati community in Cape Town. Caste within this community has been discussed with regard to the Indian diaspora in general and Natal in South Africa, but there is not a vast amount of literature regarding this phenomenon among Indians in Cape Town. Through the description of a dispute between a caste-based organisation of mochis –those of a leatherworking and cobbler caste- and a non-caste-based organisation predominantly of agricultural patidars over control of the space of worship, the recreation, dynamics and interplay of the caste system are discussed. Louis Dumont’s influential synoptic theory of caste serves as the frame of reference when addressing the system. Dumont focuses on the idea of purity and hierarchy. The system includes four varnas or classes, which are positioned along a pure-to-impure hierarchy. In Cape Town, this hierarchy is not entirely recreated; all four varnas are not represented. Instead patidars or agriculturalists have claimed to be of high status, which is normally attributed to a Brahmin or clerical caste, and have asserted themselves as the reference group for other castes. They perceive the mochis to be of low caste. The mochis have not accepted this and through the influence of the Arya Samaj, they have recreated a new historical narrative classifying themselves as high caste. This new narrative and the empowerment of the mochis created a conflict that escalated as a result of apartheid’s Group Areas Act, which legally enforced racially segregated residential areas. This conflict provides insight into the recreation of caste in Cape Town. Keywords and Terms Cape Town, Caste, Diaspora, Dumont, Durban, Fiji, Gujarati, Indenture, Indian Diaspora, Johannesburg, Migration, South Africa, Trinidad / MT2016

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology. 2016 / This thesis focuses on the everyday operation of the African National Congress (ANC) as a dominant party in post-apartheid South Africa. It examines the scope of intraparty politics, particularly the trajectory of factionalism in ANC local structures after 1994. Despite the dominance of the ANC in South Africa’s political field, its more recent political trajectory most particularly since it became a party of government in 1994 is much less well understood (Butler and Southall 2015: 1). The party has traditionally been studied using a top-down perspective and with a focus on elite level exchanges in which dynamics at the national level are viewed to reverberate downwards whilst drawing on information from party leaders. The contribution made by this thesis is that it offers a detailed qualitative focus on the operation of ANC intraparty politics at a local level drawing on evidence from Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality. The overriding aim of this study which is informed by theoretical expositions on the dominant party approach and on patronage and clientelism, is to understand how factionalism in the ANC has evolved in the post-apartheid era. The thesis observes that the ANC’s political dominance after 1994 saw the gradual conflation of the party and state partly through two processes related the party’s transformative agenda. Firstly, the state itself had to be transformed to reflect the demographic composition of the country and for the most part the ANC deployed its cadres into the state who could tow the party line. Secondly, the party relied on the state as a vehicle for redistribution and the transformation of the broader political economy to achieve equity and growth. Hence black economic empowerment, state preferential procurement and other policies to uplift previously disadvantaged social groups became stepping stones for the emergent African middle and upper class. Whilst these processes transformed the state, they also fundamentally transformed the party itself as it became a site of accumulation. Intraparty contestation intensified over the limited opportunities for upward mobility provided by access to the state. The thesis argues that factionalism increasingly became characterised by patronage as competing groups within the party sought to ring-fence their political power and the opportunities for upward mobility provided by the state. This was also compounded by deepening neoliberalism whose consequences of unemployment, poverty and inequality especially at the local level led to increased dependence on the local state and the development of factionalism based on patronage politics. The thesis then explores how patronage operates in everyday practice at the local level. It shows how patron-client relationships are not merely the exchange of state resources for political support but rather they embody a field of power relations (Auyero 2001). Evidence from Buffalo City offers an important insight into how patronage exchanges are preceded by complex relationships of power that are established over time and through various enactments. The thesis demonstrates how patrons, brokers and clients exercise various forms of power every day that inform inclusion or exclusion into networks for distributing scarce state resources. It challenges views that regard factionalism and patronage as elite driven practices. / MT2017

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management March 2016 / The critical observation for public administration and governance in South Africa has been the relationship between senior managers and political officials since the establishment of the democratic government in the country. The first documented observation in the United States of America by Woodrow Wilson marked the launch of public administration as an independent faculty, breaking away from the political sciences. The dominant theory that characterised public administration was that there must be a clear distinction between politics and public administration. This theory suggested that politics had nothing to do with public administration and, therefore, politicians should not intrude into matters of public administration. For contemporary academia, it is crucial to ask questions about the relevance of Wilson’s perspective with regard to the relationship between senior managers and political officials. Nevertheless, contemporary scholars are challenged by the emergent need to study the dual nature of public administration, suggesting that public administration should not be separated from politics, since public administration is merely the expression of the political ideology. Hence, politics and public administration should be inseparable. To refute or reaffirm these notions, this thesis explores this study by reviewing the relationship between senior public managers and political officials through analysing the politics– administration interface in South Africa between 1999 and 2009. In congruence with the main research questions of this study, the researcher utilises four pre-claims to examine the politics–administration interface and the factors that lead to strained relationships around the interface. The first pre-claim in this study examines the notion suggesting that it is the nature of the political bureau to dominate public administration. The second pre-claim examines the notion suggesting that there could be conflicting leadership styles between a political official and a senior public service official. The third pre-claim is that political officials may have a different political ideology as compared with the political ideology upheld by a senior public service official. The fourth pre-claim is that political officials or public service officials or both parties may have some disregard for documented duties and responsibilities. Consequently, this study examines the politics–administration interface in South Africa within the scope of the pre-claims as presented in the introduction to the study. The study found that the colonial legacy in the Commonwealth Nations with features of the Westminster system of governance perpetuates political bureau dominance over public administration. The study further found that it is conventionally accepted that the political bureau should provide guidance to the public administration bureau and dominate public administration which is only the expression of the prevailing political will. The researcher has examined the pre-claim of conflicting leadership styles between the elected officials and senior public servants. The study found that between 1999 and 2009 there was a transition from the collective leadership of the ruling political bureau to a closed conventional leadership system where political power was centralized in the presidency, resulting in leadership through fear and mistrust. Regarding the pre-claim on different ideologies, this study argues that public administration is the implementation of political ideologies, and public service managers are at the apex of implementing policies for the benefit of the social classes on behalf of the political bureau, which drives the ideologies of a ruling political party. Therefore, different political ideologies between the political bureau and the administration bureau may be one of the factors of a strained politics–administration interface. The study found that in cases (Buthelezi and Masetlha as well as Zille and Mgoqi) where officials from different political parties attempted to work, the arrangement resulted in a power struggle in the politics–administration interface. With regard to the pre-claim on disregard for documented rules and responsibilities, the study found that the problem in the interface is not always the neglect of documented rules and responsibilities, but rather that in some cases the documented rules and responsibilities are not always clear, resulting in grey or nondescript areas in the politics−administration interface that are ultimately claimed by the political bureau. This study has further proposed a public service governance structure with an added governance responsibility for the Public Service Commission to oversee the administration in order to distance the political bureau from public administration operations and direct engagement with senior public servants, such as the directors-general. / MT 2018