This thesis provides a baseline understanding of the support given by foreign governments to South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The study endeavours, first, to analyze the instances of international assistance provided to the TRC to determine what aid worked well and why or why not. The thesis finds overall that foreign support has been an important bulwark to the Commission. Nevertheless, the thesis identifies shortcomings in the effectiveness of foreign assistance to the TRC. Based on these findings the thesis pursues a second objective: extracting lessons from the TRC to guide future international efforts in support of truth commissions in post-conflict and transitional states. The thesis underscores common challenges facing truth commissions. By extrapolating from the South African case the thesis recommends ways international actors can best help future truth commissions overcome these difficulties.

The pivot around which the controversy over the Board's political policy revolved was the question whether a collective Jewish attitude towards the government's racial policies should be formulated, or whether this was the province of individual Jewish protest. Stemming from this was the question of the extent of communal responsibility towards the individual who had fallen afoul with the law in expressing his protest. The complexity of formulating policy was exacerbated by the trauma of the 1930's and 1940's where the National Party and its leadership espoused a radical anti-Semitic ideology and a pro-Nazism policy. Added to this was the very real sympathy felt for the aspirations of survival of the Afrikaner People, conflated by a revulsion and antipathy towards the measures the nationalist Government took to attain this end. The solution hit upon by the Board was a policy of 'neutrality' in the political area. This dissertation is an attempt to highlight the problems with which the Board grappled and its central concerns in formulating policy vis-a-vis the political issues that were at the centre of the political life of South Africa. The study follows the evolvement of the policy of collective non-involvement from the 1950s and the gradual evolution it underwent in the 1970s and 1980s towards a commitment and a responsibility to openly and publicly speak out on the moral aspects of Apartheid. In view of the above, the thesis begins in 1930 with the promulgation of the Quota Act, which initiated the new antisemitic policies of the National Party, until 1978. The epilogue ends 1985 when the Board of Deputies abandoned its policy of neutrality towards the political arena, when the 33rd National congress of the Jewish Board of Deputies, passed a resolution condemning the Policy of Apartheid, thus adopting a collective stance towards the government's racial policies. Although this stance was in line with the views prevalent in the white community, it signalled a giant step in the Board of Deputies' drive to abandon its policy of accommodation towards the NP government and Nationalist forces. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1995.

The primary focus of the thesis is the attempt by the United Party, between 1948 and 1953, to regain political power. It argues that although policy issues were important, insufficient attention has thus far been paid to the United Party's organisational weakness, particularly in regard to its inability adequately to register and delete voters, as an explanation for the Party's 1948 defeat. The United Party had, therefore, from a far more heterogeneous base of support, not only to implement organisational reforms so as to evince an efficiency equal to that of the National Party but had also to clarify what it intended to achieve by its pragmatic race' policy. It is argued that the essence of the latter had been white immigration. Only a substantial white population, it was felt, would induce that sense of white security sufficient to allow the peaceful accommodation of the' aspirations of the unenfranchised. Faced with the immediate curtailment of immigration and unable to emphasise, through fear of alienating marginal Afrikaans-speaking voters, its importance, the Party was progressively forced to give ii ground on its race policy. Its tendency to do so and yet demand the retention of constitutional guarantees made the Party an easy target for Government manipulation. Seen against this background the United Party initiative in encouraging the establishment of the War veterans' Torch Commando, its formal alliance with the Labour Party and the considerable structural reforms it was able to implement as a consequence of its informal alliance mining interests, failed to halt the voters away from it. with financial and swing of marginal The United Party's 1953 General Election defeat not only resulted in a crippling collapse of its financial support but also led to a gradual realignment of opposition parliamentary politics towards a rapprochement with those extra-parliamentary forces which were already assuming their place as the real opposition to the National Party Government. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1989.

No abstract available. / Thesis (DPA)-University of Durban-Westville, 1988.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1977.

With South Africa’s momentous transition to democratic rule in 1994, the Nelson Mandela administration significantly underscored the need to erect the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a mechanism to address the grievances, racial discrimination and violence that characterized the apartheid era. The South African government and the TRC have initiated policies to expedite reconciliation among its different races with the primary objective to recompense those who were previously marginalized and abused by the apartheid regime. Such attempts include: economic and land restitution and affirmative action. Despite these strides however, there are still enormous challenges, especially with regards to socio-economic imbalances, racial skirmishes, violence, and unresolved grievances among the victims of the apartheid era. Conceived in this way, the primary purpose of this research is to offer a broad analysis of rationale to transform some of the apartheid structural arrangements to a more egalitarian structure. 1994 heralded a new era of democratization in South Africa after long years of apartheid regime. The transition from autocratic rule to democracy has often been an excruciating one. It is no doubt that the challenges of transformation and reconciliation have resulted in the changing of the character of conflict and violence in post-apartheid South African society. This study also intends to analyse the current nature of conflict in post-apartheid South Africa such as; black on black, political assassinations and taxi violence. Although the nature of violent conflict in South Africa has transformed since post-apartheid, ostensibly, these conflicts are nevertheless rooted in apartheid. Given the foregoing, it appears that the full recovery from the apartheid era is still a far cry. In order for this recovery to take place, some of the structures of the apartheid era must be removed and multi-racial groups fully integrated. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc. )-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

This dissertation investigates print media reporting on the Jacob Zuma case to establish levels of bias, if any, in reporting such a high profile political case. The study is premised on the concept of social construction of reality where values and preferences could colour the perception of facts. The use of both ethnographic and quantitative content analysis allowed for the systematic investigation of the content of newspaper articles while the use of discourse analysis highlighted the importance of language use in the social construction of reality. Under apartheid the media was critical of government both ideologically and morally. The print media had a liberal democratic ethos and generally defended the underdog. This has been carried over into the democratic dispensation. The implication of the Deputy President of the country and the brother of the Secretary of the Arms Procurement Committee in corruption hit the nerve of the press, hence the vigilant reporting on the case. The media generally painted a picture of Zuma as a corrupt man not fit to be in public office with his implication in corruption being perceived as a threat to the country's democratic ethos. The view was that this undermined democratic principles of equality, justice and accountability. On the contrary COSATU, SACP and the ANCYL mobilised the public in support of Zuma arguing that the charges were instituted by vindictive opponents who wanted to destroy Zuma's political career. The NPA's conduct during the case including its failure to provide Zuma with a final indictment in over a year arguing that it was not prepared to continue with the case thus seeking a postponement - gave credence to the conspiracy theorists. At the end, the NP A conceded the conspiracy theory on the representation made by Zuma following leaked conversations between National Prosecuting Authority (NP A) boss Leonard McCarthy and former National Director of Public Prosecutions, Bulelani Ngcuka. This in essence brought a non-conclusive end to the saga as the allegations and the defence therefore could not be tested in a court of law. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of South African transitions. A transition, within the context of South African contemporary history, usually refers to the period in the early 1990s when South Africa underwent a negotiated transition from racial minority rule to a full democracy in 1994. This thesis takes a liberal understanding of South Africa’s transition timeline and is not confined just to South Africa’s political transition, but also examines transitions within transitions. This will be done through three studies beginning with a survey of the global political transitions that took place against the backdrop of South Africa’s domestic political transition in the early 1990s. Secondly, we will look at the role that national historical identity plays in diplomacy and international relations and, more specifically, at the cultivation of a new historic identity in South Africa’s international relations. Lastly, we will examine the policy transitions that came in the “new” South Africa through a case study of the nationalization debate. All three of these focuses will be studied through the lens of South Africa’s foreign relations with China and the United States which provides a unique vantage point for viewing the complexities. The goal of this thesis is to develop a broader understanding of transitions in South Africa and the role that the United States and China played in them. As this theme is interrogated, some of the continuities and discontinuities will be exposed between the “old” and “new” South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bestudeer Suid-Afrikaanse transisies. 'n Transisie, binne die konteks van kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, verwys gewoonlik na die tydperk van die vroeë 1990's toe Suid-Afrika 'n bemiddelde oorgang ondergaan het vanaf radikale minderheidsbewind na 'n volledige demokrasie in 1994. Hierdie tesis neem 'n liberale benadering tot die tydperk waarbinne hier periode beskou word en is nie beperk tot slegs Suid-Afrika se politieke transisie nie, maar ondersoek ook transisies binne-in transisies. Dit sal gedoen word deur drie ondersoeke, wat begin met 'n oorsig van die wêreldwye politieke transisies wat op daardie stadium plaasgevind het teen die agtergrond van Suid-Afrika se binnelandse politieke transisie van die 1990's. Tweedens sal ons kyk na die rol wat nasionale historiese identiteit speel in diplomatiese en internasionale verhoudinge en, meer spesifiek, die kultivering van 'n nuwe nasionale historiese identiteit in Suid-Afrika se internasionale verhoudinge. Laastens beskou ons die beleidstransisies wat ingekom het in die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika. Dit word gedoen deur 'n gevallestudie van Suid-Afrika se debat oor nasionalisering. Al drie hierdie fokusse sal beskou word deur die lens van Suid-Afrika se verhoudinge met Sjina en die Verenigde State. Hierdie verhoudinge verskaf 'n unieke oogpunt waar rondom die kompleksiteite van hierdie debat beskou kan word. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om 'n breër verstandhouding te skep waarin Suid-Afrika se transisies beskou kan word. Soos hierdie tema ondersoek word, word van die kontinuïteite en diskontinuïteite van die "ou" en "nuwe" Suid-Afrika ontbloot.

This package was prepared by the ANC Department of Economic Policy to assist branches to discuss the discussion document on economic policy. It serves as a guide to discussion and is not a replacement for the document. The package contains ideas for inputs, illustrations and guide questions for discussions. The illustrations can be made into WALL CHARTS or TRANSPARENCIES and used with an overhead projector. We suggest that a group of people (the political education committee) come together to plan a workshop for branch members. Read both the package and the discussion document before planning. The ANC is in the process of setting up ANC Economic Associations in each region. If you need help, contact members of the Association through the regional office.

The Fourth National Conference of the APDUSA, held in Ezibeleni, Queenstown on 15/16 April 1995, must be marked as one of the most significant events in the history of the organisation. Taking place one year after the establishment of a new political order in South Africa, it was a pertinent time to assess its import in the face of the critical problems that still beset the nation. The achievement of the universal franchise, after long years of bitter struggle, has indeed been a signal victory for the labouring masses of South Africa. But it is a victory that has brought no improvement in the socio-economic conditions of their existence. Still suffering on the anvil of oppression and exploitation, the millions of workers and land-starved peasants are fast losing faith in the ability of the new Government of National Unity to solve their problems. The struggle for liberation has thus entered a new phase. But the oppressed are also faced with a crisis of leadership. Their organisations of struggle are in disarray, with many of those who formerly occupied leading positions, having departed to take up positions in the institutions of government. In this situation, the task of mapping out the programmatic basis of the future course of their struggle, is one of utmost importance. These are the questions that commanded the attention of the APDUSA conference. Against the background, it is fitting that the large majority of those participating in the conference were members of the new generation. Theirs was a major contribution. After a thorough assessment of the new needs of the struggle, conference resolved to redefine and sharpen the political programme of the APDUSA. In so doing, it remains governed by its commitment to the interests of the workers and the landless peasantry in both its short term and long term objectives.