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This thesis discusses the significance of popular illegalities in contemporary South African service delivery. Illegal access to and non-payment of services have been indentified by the government as a major criminal problem which undermines effective service delivery. By contrast, this thesis argues that popular illegalities are positive phenomenon which provides otherwise unobtainable benefits for the poor and also exposes the ability of communities to self-manage their own service provision. The thesis begins by surveying a variety of literature on this issue using both contemporary and historical literature. I then discuss the scope of popular illegalities in South Africa and the methods government has used to curtail them, with a particular emphasis on how this has been influenced by the adoption of neo-liberal cost recovery initiatives. Using case studies of three communities where illegal access is prevalent, I discuss both the motivations behind and significance of illegal water and electricity connections. In conclusion, I argue that popular illegalities are a significant phenomenon in so far as they suggest new methods of delivering services. The prevalence of these illegalities is also important as it highlights many of the failings of official delivery. The thesis concludes on a hopeful note in arguing that illegalities may be inherently progressive in both benefiting the marginal and leading to the creation of radically autonomous spaces which can be viewed as laboratories of radical social change.

FC Erasmus became South Africa's defence minister in 1948 after two decades as a leading political organiser for the National Party. Although an architect of the Nationalists' post-war election victory he was not considered a minister of the first rank. Erasmus initiated a process of ridding the defence force of officers who he believed were associated with the Smuts government and replacing them with party supporters. As a result the military often lost experienced and talented officers. Erasmus felt that the armed services had been too British in ethos and appearance. He inaugurated tighter regulations on bi-lingualism, reintroduced boer rank titles, launched new uniforms and original medals and decorations, to the acclaim of the volk. His purpose was to have a defence force which was uniquely South African. Many of his policies came under attack not only from the United Party but also groups such as the Torch Commando and the veterans organisations. With the apparent lack of an imminent military threat to the apartheid government Erasmus never received substantial budgetary allocations from finance ministers. The defence force, one without conscription, remained small with largely antiquated equipment for the important air and land forces. However by the decade's end the navy was gradually receiving modern ships under the terms of the Simonstown agreement, which Erasmus had negotiated with Britain. The events of the Sharpeville crisis, just after Erasmus left defence, demonstrated that the armed forces as moulded by the minister were in poor condition to assist the civil power in suppressing disturbances. Overseas Erasmus hoped to increase the acceptability of the Union as a defence partner among Western countries by providing personnel for the Berlin Air Lift and the Korean conflict and promising a contingent for the Middle East. He attempted unsuccessfully to instigate anti-communist alliances for the land and maritime defence of Africa when the European powers were leaving the continent. These actions were primarily to obtain political support for the Union, whose prestige was rapidly decreasing as apartheid became better known. The external initiatives with the exception of the Simonstown naval agreements were not lasting.

The Inkatha movement has received, large publicity over the few years since its revival and especially recently with the formation of an alliance between Inkatha, the ("Coloured") labour Party and the ("Indian") Reform Party, Thi3 paper was done to suggest a possible approach, for discussion, to the analysis of current political, ideological and economic developments in the reserve areas of the South African social formation. More specifically the paper hopes to provide information that could be relevant to an analysis of developments in the kwaZulu region. An elaboration of the hints at an approach, integration of factors relating to the stage of capitalism in the South African social formation and class struggle would have made this a more satisfactory paper for discussion. The approach adopted has to be extremely tentative at this stage, both because of the immediate and obvious problems associated with contemporary research and analysis (It is even less possible to approach the subject with "objectivity", to "distance oneself from it", than is the case with topics that can more properly be called "history") but also because of the dearth of material available on the reserve "homeland" areas and the difficult y of doing research in these areas. (Wages Commission research into conditions on wattle plantations, Cosmas Desmond and others and their work on resettlement etc., and subsequent responses to these investigations, give some idea of the sensitivity of thin work), In the first section I will introduce certain concepts relating to an analysis of the "homelands" through some recent writing on these areas. References will be to the kwaZulu region. The second section deal.3 specifically with the Inkatha movement. Information relating to this movement is provided and one issue is presented in greater detail, hut no rigorous attempt is mado to apply the mode of analysis of the first section to the issues around the position of 'Inkatha. Indicators exist but with so many dynamics operative they can be no more than that. However, I do not believe that it is possible to understand the political, economic and ideological developments in the "homelands" without keeping the questions raised in the first section in mind - and definitely impossible to come to an adequate understanding if these areas are looked at in isolation, ie if apparently "internal" events and processes are not situated within a context broadly defined by the specific stage of the development of capitalism in South Africa (monopoly dominance), and without keeping in mind the history of class struggle within the social formation. / Class formation in the South African reserve areas: Inkatha - a study

One of the most critical moments during any transition is when the executive power of the old regime is transferred to a new government in waiting. This is often characterised by instability and conflict. Hence the Transitional Executive Council (TEC) was established in South Africa to facilitate its gradual and peaceful transition in 1994. The TEC can be seen as a negotiated, temporary and transitional institution that managed and prevented conflict in South Africa prior to the April 1994 general election. Although it existed only for four months, from December 1993 to April 1994, it played a significant role in South Africa's democratic transition. The TEC contributed to levelling the political playing field and creating a climate favourable for free and fair elections. The TEC's seven sub-councils further contributed to the smooth transition and creation of the Government of National Unity. In this study special attention has been given to the Sub-council on Foreign Affairs and its role in integrating South Africa into the international community. The Foreign Affairs sub-council played a pivotal role in laying the foundation for South Africa's membership of the various organizations like the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Commonwealth. In order to gain a deeper understanding of the TEC, several theoretical frameworks are applied to analyse the different perspectives namely: transition theory, conflict resolution, power-sharing and constitutional negotiations. / POLITICAL SCIENCE / MA (INTERNAT POLITICS)

The concern with the relevance of human rights to the socio-economic and political development in South Africa is of threefold account, namely human rights, socio-economic and political development, and South Africa. Human rights have been consistently applied as a common standard of achievement in the realisation that development cannot be implemented in pure economic terms only, but implies the 'duties of all people towards all other people. For rights only come into their own through practice, the interaction of socio-economic and political facts with values. The importance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of I 0 December 1948 is of primary account in this regard. This implies the right to development of all people as well as the classical meaning of equity. The main social function of human rights is to become essential ingredients in legal, political and social reality in each and every country. The socio-economic implementation of human rights in the entire world includes the facts and peculiarities of South Africa in the context of ethnic pluralism. This covers the unrealistic overtones of apartheid, the unabated pressure of the United Nations and the achievement of the new South Africa. There is a great difference between merely criticising and getting things done. An important issue is the sustainability of the RDP, with its emphasis on Mandela's linkage XI between human rights, the rule of law and economic prosperity. COSATU with its unrealistic trade unionism however, remains the chief stumbling block to the unfettered free market economies and investments which are required for genuine job creation. Short of this the RDP and GEAR, which have got off the ground, are in danger of collapse. It is recommended that the ANC should work towards a genuine multi-party democracy at a realistic level where honest criticism is respected. The universal implications of human rights require that people should not be protected overduly simply because they are black at the expense of others who simply happen to be white. Some people are not more equal than others merely by virtue of being white or black. / Political Science / D. Litt et Phil. (Politics)

My Government’s commitment to create a people-centred society of liberty binds us to the pursuit of the goals of freedom from want, freedom from hunger, freedom from deprivation, freedom from ignorance, freedom from suppression and freedom from fear. These freedoms are fundamental to the guarantee of human dignity. They will therefore constitute part of the centrepiece of what this Government will seek to achieve, the focal point on which our attention will be continuously focused. The things we have said constitute the true meaning, the justification and the purpose of the Reconstruction and Development Programme, without which it would lose all legitimacy.

This study undertook to examine public participation as a contributor to good governance in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM), as part of the process of improving this Municipality’s governance. The main objectives of the study were to analyse the existing processes and arrangements for public participation in the NMBM; to examine the extent to which community participation influences decision-making; to investigate the factors that improve or lead to good governance in a municipal environment; to examine a framework for robust participation, in which communities are able to influence decisions that affect them; and to propose recommendations to potentially improve the Municipality’s governance. The triangulation research methodology was employed with emphasis on both the quantitative and qualitative methodologies. The sample comprised of two Ward Councillors, two selected Mayoral Committee members and 14 Ward Committee members. Questionnaires, with open and closed questions, were employed for the Ward Committee members and semi-structured interviews were conducted with both the Ward Councillors and the two Mayoral Committee members. Statistical procedures supplied by the NMMU Unit of Statistics were utilised to interpret and analyse the quantitative data to determine the results for data analysis. The qualitative data analysis involved thematic content analysis. The findings suggest that the current public participation processes are inadequate. The correlation of results further revealed that a significant negative relationship exists between the Ward Councillors, the Municipality and Ward Committee members. Despite various legislative prescriptions pertaining to public participation requirements in local government, the results suggest that the NMBM may be undertaking the public participation exercise for the sake of compliance and therefore it might not be a genuine exercise. The thesis proposes specific recommendations on how the NMBM can address the current shortcomings in terms of its public participation processes and strategies. Recommendations include significant civic education for the public to understand that being in a democratic country involves active participation in local affairs; more participatory initiatives need to be done to make the public aware of the role of Ward Committees and to invite people to apply to be on these Committees; recommendations also suggested that it would be crucial that Ward Committees are not used as a political platform to push political agendas, as this deters public participation. The NMBM needs to establish a monitoring and evaluation process to track their progress with public participation and develop and implement a public participation strategy and policy for enhanced public participation is also proposed in the thesis.

This thesis seeks to investigate the possibility that the binary opposition between retributive and restorative forms of justice that structures the discourse on justice is unhelpful and unnecessary, particularly for societies seeking to extricate themselves from violent conflict and towards building peace and democracy. I shall argue for the importance of considering restorative justice as conceptually and historically prior to the possibility of retributive justice rather than the negation of one or the other, as well as advocate the potentially greater transformative power of the values of restorative justice which may provide a constructive alternative to retributive justice in the context of post-conflict peacebuilding.

In the wake of the post-Cold War era, students of international relations were forced to review their theoretical frameworks to explain new rules for international peace and security. States are now confronted with new constraints for their security and survival as current trends in international politics depict a 'regionalisation' of peace and security. For southern Africa, likewise, the end of the Cold War and, moreover, apartheid, compels its member states to redefine their security strategies and mechanisms for survival. This thesis undertakes to examine southern Africa's adaptation to new rules of a changing world environment, to ensure a stable and secure region, into the next millennium. At the outset of this thesis lies a conceptual contextualisation of security within the major contemporary theoretical approaches of international relations. By examining the essential differences between the redefinitions and new conceptualisations of security, this thesis, firstly argues that the state in southern Africa must be retained as a primary referent of security. This argument is premised on the need to create stronger states for a 'regionalisation' of security in southern Africa. The second issue examined is the changing world environment and its impact on the state and development in Africa, as the new constraints to which the continent must adapt, for security and survival. Arguing that the new international economic order and 'globalisation' dictate the new rules, this chapter asserts that the 'weak' states in Africa need to be strengthened to have the necessary capacity to be the means for its people's security. Finally this thesis examines the new rules for southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment. The new rules for the African sub-continent involve the formation of a security regime and economic community with, the power-house, South Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community(SADC) as the umbrella body, the formation of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, and signing of trade protocols for a movement towards a free trade area, are evidence of southern Africa's attempts to adapt to new rules for its security. Such adaptation cannot, however, be accomplished with 'weak' states. Southern African states will have to, therefore, be strengthened to attain a more secure adaptation to the new international (economic) order.