The study of local history in South Africa is still in its infancy and has not been accorded the same recognition as elsewhere. There is no convenient manual to guide the would-be local historian of the Cape. There are few models that provide an insight into the main problems encountered by the local historian of a Cape community. In such local histories as exist, attention has been focussed predominantly on the foundation and physical growth of towns, the naming of streets, the establishment of schools and hospitals. Many of these accounts were written for publicity purposes or to commemorate the founding of towns. Although there is no history of the Dutch Reformed Church in Graaff-Reinet, the history of local congregations of the Dutch Reformed Church has generally been well covered in the form of Gedenkboeke and other studies. These frequently have a particular relevance as many towns such as Burgersdorp and Colesberg were founded as a result of the initiative of the church. Preface.

This thesis endeavours to establish how political transformation in South Africa has impacted on the didactic function of locally produced young adult fiction between the years of 1985 and 2006. To this end, a selection of young adult novels and short stories are examined in relation to the time period during which they were written or are set, namely the final years of apartheid (from 1985 to the early 1990s), the period of transition from apartheid to democracy (approximately 1991 to 1997), and the early years of the twenty-first century (2000 to 2006). Chapter One provides a brief overview of publishing for the juvenile market in South Africa over the last century, noting how significant historical and political events affected both the publishing industry itself and the content of children's and young adult literature. This chapter also adumbrates the theoretical foundations of the study. The second chapter examines a selection of texts either written or set during the final years of the apartheid regime. This chapter establishes how authors during this period challenged notions of racial inequality and undermined the policies of the apartheid government, with varying degrees of success. The authors' methods in encouraging their (predominantly white) readers to question apartheid ideology are also interrogated. Those novels written after, but set during, the apartheid era are examined with the aim of determining their authors' didactic objectives in revisiting this period in their novels. Chapter Three explores how authors writing during the transition period aimed to encourage readers to participate in the building of a 'rainbow nation,' by portraying idealised modes of relating to the racial 'other.' While some of the authors examined in this chapter are optimistic, and even naïve, in their celebration of a newly established democracy, others are more cautious in suggesting that decades of oppression and separation can so easily be overcome. Chapter Four demonstrates how the freedoms afforded by a democratic society have prompted young adult authors to explore the possibilities of adapting the sub-genre of the teenage problem novel to suit a distinctly South African context. While some of these texts are not overtly didactic in nature, they confront the unique issues faced by a generation of South African teenagers raised in a democratic society, and in some cases challenge readers to reconsider their approach to such issues.

This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.

The aim of this study was to conduct a comparative analysis of the low voter turnout of the 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality. The study came as a result of the researcher’s observations of the low voter turnout during the 2011 municipal elections across the country. Upon further investigation, it was discovered that the previous municipal election of 2006 also experienced low voter turnout. However, this was not the case with national and provincial elections, because since the first election that took place in 1994, voter turnout has been high. Lukhanji Municipality, which is the area of residence for the researcher, was no different from the rest of South Africa, when it comes to low voter turnout for the municipal elections and high voter turnout for national and provincial elections. It was noted that there has never been a detailed research study conducted in Lukhanji Municipality regarding the subject in question, and also that there is a limited amount of literature that seeks to investigate voter turnout in local elections in South Africa. The large amount of available literature focuses on voter turnout during national and provincial elections in established democracies. The literature review extensively explored the determinants of voter turnout in all levels of elections. From those tested elsewhere, it was evident that no single factor can be the cause of low voting during an election, therefore it was fundamental to investigate the causes of low voter turnout of the municipal elections with special focus on Lukhanji Municipality. It became evident from the study, that indeed various factors may have led to low voter turnout during 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality.

The 1994 democratic elections heralded a significant change in South Africa‟s political and social landscapes. This historic moment, and the subsequent democratic developmental processes that unfolded aimed at laying the foundations for a democratic state, were the culmination of a long history of struggle by the Black majority, in alliance with other social forces, against colonialism and apartheid. One of the significant social forces that emerged as part of this struggle against racial oppression was the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It is argued that the two most important developments in South African politics during the 1940‟s were the emergence of the African National Congress Youth League and the consolidation of its influence on the ANC leadership. The African National Congress Youth League was formed against the background of very distinct circumstances, the first being the worsening economic conditions for the growing African working class and the declining African peasantry. The second was the inability of the African National Congress to respond to the material challenges confronted by the African majority, because of its leadership and organisational weaknesses. The political programme of the ANCYL was rallied under the ideological auspices of African Nationalism, and its organisational programme under the articulated need to build a mass based and campaigning organisation. With a very strong leadership, the ANCYL was able to, within five years, assert its leadership and authority in the ANC with key elements of its manifesto forming significant parts of the ANC Programme. This culminated into the rise of the generational theme of the ANC Youth League of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. Essentially freedom was conceived as the abolishment of formal apartheid, and the delivery of a democratic South Africa. Formal democracy became a reality in South Africa in 1994 and at the helm of the ANC and the new government was the ANC Youth League generation of the 1940‟s. This generation had over fifty years struggled for freedom and 1994 represented the formal victory over apartheid and the attainment of a generational mission. The ushering in of formal democracy in 1994 heightened the expectations of the black majority in terms of its elevation from a point of view of its existing socio-economic realities. Close to twenty years after the end of formal apartheid the reality has been less than satisfactory in terms of addressing these socio-economic realities. What has been observed on the contrary is an increase in key measures such inequality and unemployment. Subsequent to that has been a less than satisfactory performance in the area of economic transformation which has been seen as a critical limiting factor in addressing the legacies of apartheid, particularly among the black majority. These limits to transformation have resulted in discontentment among the majority, claiming that democracy has not yielded to any significant changes in their material lives. The discontentment has been particularly proliferated among the youth, who bear the brunt of social challenges such as unemployment. The ANC Youth League, has had to confront the reality of being of a youth league of a governing party and balancing that with the social discontentment that has developed among South African, particularly the youth, as a result of perceived lack of social transformation. In balancing these two realities, the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of South African politics similarly to the 1940s generation of ANC Youth League leaders of the Youth League who had been mobilised under the theme of “Freedom in our Lifetime”. The contradictions within the ANC, of which the ANC Youth League has found itself at the centre of, and the need to become a socially relevant political force have culminated into the birth of a generational theme led by the ANC Youth League of “Economic Freedom in our Lifetime”.

Local government is at the forefront of engagement between the government and South Africa’s people, delivering basic services to communities. Following the transition to a democratic government in 1994, the country was demarcated in a manner that provides complete coverage by local government. Annually, managing the administration of service delivery implementation at local government level costs the country many billions. Much of the revenue used by local government in providing services is derived from income from sale of basic services and property rates, augmented by allocations from national and provincial government, equitably shared amongst municipalities. Local government has autonomy in its operations, but is strictly governed by a collection of cascading legislation, introduced to protect the interests of the people. The primary objective of the research was to investigate the efficacy of budget expenditure in local government, in particular the City of Cape Town as a metropolitan municipality. With an annual budget approaching R30 billion, the aim was to establish how the budget was determined and allocated to the service menu provided by the City, and to investigate whether better methods of allocating expenditure could be developed. A mixed research methodology was followed, relying on quantitative methods for analysing survey data statistically, while providing for detailed qualitative methods in interviewing and studying the specific case in detail. The theoretical perspective most suited to this research was found to be that of pragmatism, for its flexibility of interpretation, practicality and space for multiple perspectives. A constructivist epistemology was adopted to provide for the interplay between object and subject in constructing meaning. This research focused on examination of applicable legislation, secondary data in reports, and statistical analysis of opinion surveys of municipal officials involved in budgeting at different levels and interviews with key stakeholders. The findings indicate that budget allocation can be improved upon in a number of ways, despite complying with a myriad of restrictive and onerous regulations applicable to local government. It was found that the administration is fragmented in its operations and that the structure of necessity favours isolated service delivery rather than integration. Further, that compliance impacts negatively on time spent in planning and pursuit of strategic intent to the extent that Reporting often becomes a more important deliverable than basic services. The size of the City hinders common understanding, and introducing any change in political vision requires particular attention.

South Africa achieved its formal democracy through a negotiated settlement in 1994. Formal democracy focuses on liberty, rights and basic freedom such as freedom of speech, and the right to vote, amongst others, while substantive democracy focuses on equality, social justice, and the area of economic rights with a focus on reduction of poverty, unemployment and increased equality. It is within the substantive democratisation theoretical framework, that South Africa’s democratic achievement has not necessarily been as great as its political achievements in constructing a constitutional democracy. This is evident in the continued patterns of racialised inequality and poverty, as well as the increase in service delivery protest action, which can destabilise the democratic success achieved in 1994. The objective of economic development is to create an environment where people can enjoy economic stability, job security and health, and lead productive lives, on one hand. On the other hand, political development seeks to create an environment where people can enjoy peace, rule of law and freedom. Politics and economics therefore go hand in hand to attain wealth benefits for people and create a sufficient level of political stability within a transitioning context. South Africa has made some strides towards getting political stability and a democratic state, but much still needs to be done to reduce poverty, unemployment and inequality. Hence an argument stressing the need for a Second Transition or Economic CODESA has recently entered the sphere of political public debate. This project seeks to deconstruct and explain the discourse of the Second Transition and Economic CODESA. The studies found that centre to this debate are key redistributive issues. Poverty, inequality and unemployment are key substantive challenges that have the potential to undermine political stability if they are not effectively dealt with.

The aim of the study was to analyse the framework for measuring parliamentary performance in South Africa. The researcher wanted to assess the current system challenges and gaps for measuring performance of the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa with special reference to the core business of Parliament and to provide a performance management model and tools that can be adopted by Parliament to address the core business of Parliament challenges and problems. In this study, relevant literature was reviewed. The researcher dwelled on the concept of performance management, historical perspective, elements of performance management and benefits derived from the system. The critical issue that was discussed under this section was the comparison amongst countries. It was evident that there are countries that are measuring both administrative and political arm of government. The data collection instruments that were used were questionnaires and interviews. Questionnaires were distributed to The Secretariat to the National Parliament, Chief Directors, General Managers and Senior Managers. Interviews were held with Presiding Officers: Speaker, Deputy Speaker, Chairperson of Chairpersons, and Deputy Chairperson of Chairpersons, Chief Whips, Whips of Committees and Chairpersons of Committees. A thematic analysis was employed and the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was used. After analysing the data, the researcher arrived at conclusions and thereafter suggested recommendations. The researcher proffered a model by examining different best models of the world and selecting some of those components. The model indicates performance outcomes, which are; accountability, responsiveness, representativity, transparency and impact as well as parliamentary mandates, which are the Constitutional mandates in a matrix.

M.A. / Any organization or structure over time has a historical background, a reason for existence, and an objective. In this sense PAGAD is no exception. The aim of the following discussion is to place the establishment of PAGAD within a broader historical and ideological context. This section will be discussed under the following headings: Broad historical context. The objective of this heading is to state clearly that the establishment of PAGAD was not an one time only decision taken by a few disillusioned members of the community in the Western Cape. Indications are that the establishment of anti-crime forums had been present since the 1950s, each with different members, but always with the same purpose and goals. The main objective of this section is to indicate to the reader that the establishment of PAGAD had had a historical development. Fight against crime as explanatory condition. On the basis of the above-mentioned historical development, this section will be focussing on the socio-economical conditions prevailing in the Western Cape, in order to explain the development of so-called popular justice organizations. Ideological context of the rise of People Against Gangsterism and Drugs. The name of the organization already puts it against the background of tenn "popular justice". This section will attempt to put PAGAD in the framework of Muslim politics in the Western Cape. Division in PAGAD. This section will be focussing on the split in PAGAD during September 1996, on the ground of the ideological divisions in the Muslim community in the Western Cape. Although the split in the ranks of PAGAD occurred very early in the existence of the organization, it is very important to take notice of it, as the split was a result of the manifestation of ideological differences. There will be continuous reference to the said split in the cause of this case study as it altered PAGAD's objectives as well as its modus operandi. Relationship between PAGAD and Qibla and the strategy and objectives of Qibla. The objective of this section is to look into Qibla as such and to study Qibla's alleged role in the actions of PAGAD. Discussion on the aforementioned should not be seen as isolated from each other, but that it should be interpreted as a totality.

Bibliography: pages 259-277. / Influx control legislation was formally abolished in South Africa in 1986. This thesis investigates the social processes set in motion with its abolition in the spheres of employment and urbanisation and argues that the way in which influx control has been defined is central to any analysis concerned with its abolition. In this regard, influx control has been viewed in two senses: a narrow one in which it has been equated with formal influx control legislation, 'the pass laws'; and, secondly and more broadly, through definitions which embrace all methods of control over African urbanisation and associated labour mobility. This thesis argues that, in the macro domain, while influx control in its narrow sense has been abolished, it has been replaced with far more complex and subtle forms of control. These ostensibly racially neutral measures, an 'orderly urbanisation' policy and a wide variety of laws existing on South African statute books continue to circumscribe African rights. The research focuses on a specific region, the Western Cape, an area where influx control has been more harshly implemented than elsewhere through the implementation of the Coloured Labour Preference Policy. This thesis investigates on a micro-level, via the medium of a company compound, how people at both an individual and institutional level have interpreted the legislative changes and acted upon them. The particular range of actors include government officials, employers and employer organisations, union representatives, and migrant workers and their families living in the company compound. The evidence I present was obtained primarily through interviews and ethnographic field-research conducted in 1988. A particular concern of the thesis has been to examine the disjunction between policy and practice as pursued by government officials and the effects and implications arising from this among the actors mentioned above. The main themes which have emerged from this research are those of confusion and a lack of knowledge among many of the informants. It was found that high-ranking government officials lack consensus on vital issues of citizenship and employment which affect the lives of thousands of Transkeian and Ciskeian citizens. Employers, confused by the confusion in government departments, and confronted by a new situation and new sets of rules have either ignored these or succumbed to government policy. Equally, unions have been slow to respond or systematically adopt a policy on the 1986 legislative changes. Finally, it was found that migrant workers and their families are availing themselves of opportunities presented by the abolition of influx control legislation in terms of freedom of movement, although as I argue, this takes the form of a complex range of fluid and dynamic movement patterns between the compound, the rural areas and urban townships. This complexity, as the thesis demonstrates, is reflected both in the attitudes and in the practical daily living arrangements of the workers as they respond to and interpret the macro-level forces which affect them.