A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy / This thesis provides a detailed account of the. events leading up to the war between Britain and the Zulu kingdom in 1879, and undertakes to explain why the war came about Theophilus Shepstone, Natal's Secretary for Native Affairs, had long aspired to bring Zululand under British control, When King Mpande died in 1872, his heir, Cetshwayo, was anxious for British support against rival claimants, and against the South African Republic, with which he had a border dispute. He therefore invited Shepstone to preside over a ceremony recognizing him as King. Shepstone's hopes that his 'coronation' of Cetshwayo would lead to greater control over Zululand were disappointed, but it did serve as a precedent for British intervention. The war of 1879, in the event, did not arise out of purely local causes, but was more the result of British imperial policy. Lord Carnarvon, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, aspired to 'confederate' the various territories of southern Africa into a 'self-governing' (that is, settler governed) dominion under the British flag. To this end Shepstone annexed the Transvaal in 1877. The border dispute now became a dispute between Britain and the Zulu kingdom, and relations deteriorated sharply. Sir Bartle Frere, the High Commissioner entrusted by Carnarvon with the task of implementing his confederation policy, decided that the continued independence of the Zulu kingdom was an insuperable obstacle to confederation. He therefore took advantage of certain border incidents (and of the warlike reputation of the Zulu) to send an ultimatum calculated to bring about war. The question this thesis particularly addresses is whether the war was an incidental by-product of a confederation policy carried out for other reasons, or whether bringing Zululand under British control was inherent in the policy itself. It argues that the latter was the case. The purpose of confederation was neither retrenchment nor to safeguard naval bases, as some have argued, but a comprehensive political and economic reconstruction of South African society in Which an independent Zulu kingdom could have no place. On the other hand, to argue that Zululand was invaded to facilitate the advance of capitalist production in South Africa., as others have done, is to state the case too narrowly. The desirability and inevitability of capitalist production was assumed rather than consciously striven for by those who believed that the invasion of Zululand was necessary to facilitate the progress and civilization of South Africa. / AC2017

The thesis attempts to provide a chronological analysis of Lagden's colonial career between 1877 and 1907. The youngest son of a parish priest, Lagden received limited formal education and no military training. By a fortuitous set of circumstances, he was able, as a man on the spot, to attain high ranking posts in colonial administration. As a young man, he acquired considerable experience in the Transvaal, Egypt and the Gold Coast. However, blatant disobedience led to his dismissal from Colonial service. Fortunately for Lagden, Marshal Clarke, newly appointed Resident Commissioner of Basutoland, insisted on Lagden being appointed to his staff. Except for a brief stint in Swaziland, Lagden remained in Basutoland until 1900. With Clarke, Lagden played a prominent role in the implementation of the Imperial policy of securing the support of the Koena chiefs by allowing them to retain and consolidate their power and influence. Lagden became Resident Commissioner in Basutoland when Clarke was transferred to Zululand. He continued established policies and championed the Basotho cause by opposing the opening of Basutoland to prospectors and by stressing the industrious habits of the Basotho. His tactful and energetic handling of the rinderpest crisis reduced dramatic repercussions amongst the Basotho and enabled cooperative Koena chiefs to increase their economic and political leverage. Despite his reservations over Basotho loyalty, Lagden emerged from the South African War with an enhanced reputation as the Basotho remained loyal and energetically participated in the Imperial war effort. Largely because of his Basutoland experience, Lagden was appointed the Transvaal Commissioner of Native Affairs in 1901. He was responsible for regulating African labour supplies for the mines and delineation of African locations. His failure to procure sufficient labour and his defence of African rights earned Lagden much abusive settler condemnation. As chairman of the South African Native Affairs Commission, Lagden produced an uninspiring report conditioned by the labour shortage and his personal distaste for decisive action. Nevertheless, its advocacy of political and territorial segregation influenced successive Union governments.

From Preface: In 1778 Joachim van Plettenberg declared the Fish River as boundary between the Trekboer and the Xhosa. The area between the lower reaches of the Fish and Kei Rivers was to become the main centre of conflict in nine frontier wars. It was here, too, that successive governors carried out experiments to stabilize land and people in the area. But after 1820, while official attention was focused on this trouble spot, a new and related zone of conflict was gradually and almost unnoticed opening up. This was in the north-east where the first encounters between Trekboer and Thembu were beginning to take place. By 1825 the spearhead of the Thembu, harassed by the amaNgwane raids, had migrated across the Kei River to settle south of the Stormberg in what is now the district of Queenstown. By this time the first Trekboers in their perennial search for water and pasturage had crossed the Stormberg Spruit to settle on the waste land north of the Stormberg. The history of the Stormberg area is predominantly an account of the interaction between these two peoples.

Thesis (MA)-- University Stellenbosch, 1993. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Johann Theophilus Hahn, seun van die Rynse sendeling, J. -Samuel Hahn, is gebore op die sendingstasie Ebenhaeser (Lutzville) op 24 Desember 1842. As 'n seun op die sendingstasies Ebenaeser en Bethanien en Berseba in Suidwes-Afrika (Namibie), het hy geleer om die verskillende Khoisandialekte te praat. Ter wille van sy kinders se akademiese opleiding het Samuel Hahn in 1852 na Duitsland teruggekeer. Daar het Theophilus hornas uitstaande student bewys en in 1870 het hy sy doktorsgraad verwerf met die proefskrif Die - Sprache der Nama; nebst einem Anhang enthaltend Sprachproben aus dem Munde des Volkes. Terwyl hy aan die universiteit van Halle studeer het, het hy 'n aantal etnologiese artikels oor die inheemse volkere van Suidwes-Afrika (Namibie) geskryf. Met sy terugkeer na Suid-Afrika in 1871, het hy 'n handelaar in Suidwes-Afrika geword. Na sy huwelik in 1875 met Marianne Esther de La Roche Smuts het hy in Rehoboth gaan bly en aldaar 'n handelsaak begin. Hahn het Suidwes-Afrika in 1878 verlaat, nadat dit duidelik geword het dat die Kaapse regering se entoesiasme vir optrede noord van die Oranjerivier afgeneem het, as gevolg van sy militere probleme op die oosgrens, in Griekwaland-Wes en Basoetoland. Hy het daarna by sy broer Johannes, wat Rynse sendeling op Stellenbosch was, gaan woon. Aldaar het hy die eerste landkaart van Suidwes-Afrika, Original map of Namaqualand and Damaraland, voltooi. In 1881 is hy as regeringsfiloloog en bewaarder van die Grey-versameling in die Suid-Afrikaanse Openbare Biblioteek (Suid-Afrikaanse Biblioteek) aangestel. Sy aanstelling het veroorsaak dat die Hooggeregshof deur die Grey-trustees versoek is om die versameling aan hulle oor te dra en om Hahn te verbied om met die Grey-versameling in te meng. Die applikasie is deur die Hooggeregshof van die hand gewys. Terwyl hy vir die Kaapse regering gewerk het, het hy aan die Cape Native Laws and Customs Commission inligting omtrent die Nama- en Herero-kultuur verskaf. Hierdie kommissie was deur die Kaapse regering aangestel om inligting aangaande die wette en gewoontes van die inheemse volkere in te win en om verslag te doen aangaande die wesenlikheid van die instelling van 'n soort stelsel van plaaslike selfregering in die swart gebiede. Vanaf sy plaas Prospect Hill het Hahn 'n brief geskryf aan die agent van Adolf Llideritz,Heinrich Vogelsang, waarin hy waardevolle inligting oor die moontlikhede van Suidwes-Afrika gemeld het en het aan die hand gegee dat LlideritzAngra Pequena (Llideritzbaai)vir handeldoeleindes moes bekom. In 1883 het hy as regeringsfiloloog en Grey-bibliotekaris bedank en het toe die plaasbestuurder van Welmoed, in die distrik van Stellenbosch, geword. As wynboer het hy voorgestel dat n kooperasie vir die produsering van wyn gestig word, asook spoediger optrede met die bestryding van die fillokseraplaag. Met Hahn se hulp het die Kharaskhoma Exploring and Prospecting Syndicate, 'n maatskappy wat in Londen gebaseer was, in 1890 belangrike konsessies van die Bondelswart- en Velskoendraerkapteins in Suidwes-Afrika bekom. Dit was 'n monopolie vir die eksploitering van minerale, regte om handel te dryf en om spoorwee aan te le~ Na die regte van hierdie sindikaat aan die South African Territories Company .oorgedra is, het Hahn weer Suidwes-Afrika verlaat en die plaas Blaauwklip (Blaauwklippen) by Stellenbosch gekoop. Sy pogings om te boer het misluk en die plaas is na sy bankrotskap aan Cecil John Rhodes verkoop. Daarna het hy agent vir Equitable Life Assurance Society in Johannesburg geword. Terwyl hy by Markstraat 206, Johannesburg gewoon het, het hy onsuksesvol aansoek gedoen om as spioen vir die Britse Militere Regering op te tree. Hy het op 22 Januarie 1905 gesterf en is in die Braamfonteinse begraafplaas begrawe. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Johann Theophilus Hahn, son of the Rhenish missionary J. Samuel Hahn, was born at the mission station Ebenaeser (Lutzville) on 24 December 1842. As a boy at the mission stations Ebenaeser and Berseba and Bethanien in South West Africa (Namibia) he learned to speak the different Khoisan dialects. Samuel Hahn left for Germany in 1852, for the sake of his children~s academic training. There Theophilus proved himself as an outstanding student and he obtained his doctorate in 1870 on the dissertation Die Sprache der Nama; nebst einem Anhang enthaltend Sprachproben aus dem Munde des Volkes. While studying at the University of Halle he published a number of ethnological studies relating to the aborigines of South West Africa (Namibia). On his return to South Africa, he became a trader in South West Africa. After his marriage in 1875 to Marianne Esther de La Roche Smuts he settled at Rehoboth, where he started a trading business. Hahn left South West Africa in 1878, after it became clear that the Cape Government's enthusiasm for action north of the Orange River waned, as a result of its own military burdens on the eastern border, in Griqualand West and Basutoland. He went to live with his brother Johannes, a Rhenish missionary at Stellenbosch, where he completed the first map of South West Africa - Original map of Namagualand and Damaraland. In 1881 he was appointed as government philologist and custodian of the Grey Collection in the South African Public Library. His appointment as Grey custodian gave rise to an application to the Supreme Court to have the care and custody of the Grey Collection given up to the Grey Trustees and for an interdict to restrain Hahn from interfering with the Grey Collection. This application by the Grey Trustees was refused by the Supreme Court. In 1883 he provided the Cape Native Laws and Customs Commission information regarding the Nama and Herero cultures. This commission was directed by the Cape Government to enquire into the laws and customs of the Blacks and to report on the advisability of introducing some system of local self-government in the Black territories. While living at his farm Prospect Hill, he wrote a letter to the agent of Adolf Llideritz,Heinrich Vogelsang, in which he supplied valuable information about the prospects of South West Africa and suggested that Llideritzacquire Angra Pequena (LlideritzBay) as a harbour for trading purposes. He resigned as philologist and Grey Librarian in 1883 and became the manager of the farm Welmoed, in the district of Stellenbosch. As a wine-farmer he proposed the establishing of a co-operative for the production of wine, also prompt action for combating the phylloxera disease. With the assistance of Hahn the mining company Kharaskhoma Exploring and Prospecting Syndicate, a company based in London, obtained in 1890 important concessions from the chiefs of Bondelswart and Veldskoendraers - a monopoly for the exploitation of minerals, rights to trade and to contruct railways. After the syndicate transfered its rights to the South African Territories Company, he left South West Africa and bought th farm Blaauwklip (Blaauwklippen) at Stellenbosch. His farming attempts proved a disaster and his farm was sold to Cecil John Rhodes. He became an agent for the Equitable Life Assurance Society in Johannesburg and while residing at 206 Market Street he offered to act as a spy for the British Military Government. This was declined. He died on 22 January 1905 and was buried in the Braamfontein cemetery.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / This thesis investigates the production of different forms of Afrikaner ‘femininity’ at the Huguenot Seminary and College in Wellington, between 1873 and 1910. Founded by Andrew Murray, the moderator of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), specifically to train Dutch-Afrikaner girls as teachers and missionaries, the school was based on a model of women’s education developed at the Mount Holyoke Seminary in Connecticut and the majority of the teachers who worked at Huguenot until the 1920s were thus American-born and trained. The Huguenot Seminary proved to be an enormous success: it was constantly in need of extra room to house its overflow of pupils, the girls came near the top of the Colony’s teaching examinations from 1875 onwards, and its associated College – founded in 1898 – was one of the first institutions in South Africa where young women could study for university degrees. It had a profound impact on the lives of a considerable proportion of white, bourgeois Dutch-Afrikaner – and English-speaking – women during this period of rapid and wide-ranging transformation in South African society and politics. This thesis evaluates the extent to and manner in which Huguenot created particular Afrikaner ‘femininities’. The discussion begins with an exploration of the relationship between the Seminary, the Mount Holyoke system of girls’ education, and the DRC’s evangelicalism during the religious ‘revivals’ sweeping the Cape Colony in 1874-1875 and 1884-1885, paying particular attention to the teachers’ attempts to foster a quasi-religious community at the Seminary, and to the pupils’ responses to the school’s intense religiosity. It moves on to a discussion of the discourses surrounding the ideal of the educated woman that arose in the Seminary and College’s annuals between 1895 and 1910, identifying three key forms of ‘femininity’ promoted in magazines’ articles, short stories, and poetry. Finally, the thesis examines the impact of the growth of an Afrikaner ethnicity (specifically in the form of the First Afrikaans Language Movement), the South African War (1899-1902), and Alfred Milner’s South Africanism, on the ‘femininity’ espoused by the Seminary and College between 1874 and 1910.