Darbo tema yra aktuali tuo, kad tarptautinės reitingų agentūros, įvertindamos skolų krizę Europoje, pastaruoju metu daugeliui šalių mažino valstybės kredito reitingus ar blogino jų perspektyvas. Nors po prieš trejus metus patirto nuosmukio Baltijos šalių reitingai ir stabilizavosi, jų aukštesnių reikšmių išlaikymas Baltijos valstybėms yra svarbus užsienio investicijų pritraukimo ir šių šalių finansų sektoriaus vystymosi veiksnys. Vis dėlto, reitingų gerėjimas gali turėti ir priešingą poveikį.Todėl svarbu išsiaiškinti situaciją Baltijos šalyse. Tiriamojo darbo objektas yra Baltijos šalių ilgalaikio ir trumpalaikio skolinimosi užsienio valiuta reitingai bei ilgalaikio ir trumpalaikio skolinimosi nacionaline valiuta reitingai. Šio darbo tikslas - atlikus teorinę valstybės kredito reitingų ir jų įtakos šalies finansų sektoriaus vystymuisi ir užsienio investicijų srautams analizę, nustatyti valstybės kredito reitingų įtaką finansų sektoriaus vystymuisi ir užsienio investicijų srautams Baltijos šalyse. Darbo tikslui pasiekti buvo suformuluoti uždaviniai: atlikti teorinę valstybės kredito reitingų ir jų įtakos šalies finansų sektoriaus vystymuisi ir užsienio investicijų srautams analizę, išanalizuoti Baltijos šalių finansų sektoriaus išsivystymo lygį bei užsienio investicijų srautų ir kredito reitingų šiose šalyse pokyčių tendencijas, reitingus įtakojusius veiksnius, nustatyti valstybės kredito reitingų įtaką finansų sektoriaus vystymuisi ir užsienio investicijų srautams Baltijos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The topic of the work is relevant due to the fact, that international credit rating agencies, assessing the debt crisis in Europe, recently downgraded credit ratings or their outlook for many countries. Despite the fact that sovereign credit ratings of Baltic states have stabilized after the decline occured three years ago, higher ratings are the essential factor for Baltic states, seeking to attract foreign investment and promote their financial sector development. Though, the improvements of ratings may have the opposite effect. Therefore, it is important to clarify the situation in Baltic states. The object of the research work – the Baltic states‘ short and long term in foreign and local currency ratings. The purpose of this paper is to establish the impact of sovereign credit ratings on the financial sector development and international capital flows in the Baltic states, doing theoretical analysis on sovereign credit ratings and their impact on the financial sector development and international capital flows in a country. In order to achieve an objective, the following tasks have been fomulated: to accomplish above-mentioned theoretical analysis, to analyse the level of financial sector development, changes in trends of international capital flows and sovereign credit ratings in the Baltic states, reveal the main factors, which affected ratings in these countries and ascertain the influence of these ratings on the financial sector development and international capital... [to full text]

Thesis (M. Com. (Economics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / The main aim of the study is to analyze determinants of sovereign credit ratings (SCRs) for Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, namely Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia. The analysis is based on the SCRs given by Standard and Poor’s (S&P). The selected explanatory variables are gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, inflation, external debt, foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows and control of corruption for the period 1990-2016, based on annual data. The panel root test results, namely IPS, LLC, ADF Fisher and PP Fisher, show that GDP per capita, external debt and FDI are stationary at 5% level of significance. The Hausman test results indicates that the identified explanatory variable explains 80% of SCRs. The model observed a positive relationship between SCR, inflation and control of corruption. It also observed a negative correlation between SCR, GDP per capita, external debt and FDI. The Pedroni residual cointegration test results indicate that there is no long-run relationship among variables and no autocorrelation as shown by serial correlation LM test results. The study recommends that the selected member states of SADC develop strategic plans for reducing budget deficits. This will help countries to manage their debts, especially foreign currency denoted debt and to attract foreign investment. Keywords: Sovereign credit ratings, fixed effects model, random effects, Hausman test.

Magistro baigiamajame darbe išanalizuota ir įvertinta valstybių kredito reitingų suteikimo metodologija, šio proceso kritika, pateikti pasiūlymai esamoms problemoms spręsti. Atlikta koreliacinė, regresinė, pagrindinių komponenčių analizė ir pasinaudojus trijų Baltijos šalių – Lietuvos, Latvijos ir Estijos, pavyzdžiu surasti trys atskiri modeliai, tiksliausiai prognozuojantys minėtų valstybių kredito reitingus, remiantis makroekonominiais rodikliais. Pirmoje darbo dalyje teoriniu aspektu nagrinėjama kredito reitingo samprata, jo reikšmė finansų rinkoms, apibrėžiamos priežastys, lemiančios kredito reitingų trūkumus ir pateikiami tobulinimo siūlymai. Antroje dalyje analizuojamos trijų pagrindinių kredito reitingo agentūrų – Standard and Poor‘s, Fitch ir Moody‘s valstybių kredito reitingo suteikimo metodologijos, tiriama mokslinė literatūra, nagrinėjanti kredito reitingo priklausomybę nuo makroekonominių rodiklių, pateikiamas tyrimo modelis, nagrinėjamos su juo susijusios problemos, apibrėžiama darbo eiga. Trečioje dalyje sudaromos tiesinės daugianarės regresijos lygtys, naudojamos prognozuoti Lietuvos, Latvijos ir Estijos kredito reitingą, atliekamas ateities kredito reitingų prognozavimas remiantis faktiniais 2012 m. IV ketvirčio duomenimis ir numatomais scenarijais. / Master's Work analyzed and evaluated methodology of sovereign credit ratings, the critique of the process itself and proposed solutions for existing problems. Correlation, regression and principal components analysis were used to determine distinct models for the three Baltic states – Lithuania, Latvia and Lithuania, that accurately predicts future credit ratings based on macro-economic indicators. The first part examines theoretical aspect of the concept of credit rating, its value to the global financial markets, defines the causes of the credit rating errors, presents possible solutions for the failures of credit ratings. In the second section methodologies used by Standard and Poor's, Fitch and Moody's to determine sovereign credit ratings are analyzed, scientific literature on the dependence of credit rating and macro-economic indicators are examined, research model and problems associated with it are presented, workflow is defined. In the third part linear multiple regression equations are derived which are used to predict future credit ratings of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, future credit ratings predictions are carried out based on actual year 2012 fourth quarter data and future scenarios.

L'objet de la présente thèse concerne l'étude de l'impact économique de trois modalités démocratiques, à savoir (i) l'agenda électoral, (ii) l'affiliation partisane des dirigeants en place dans un cadre de multipartisme, et (iii) les changements de gouvernance constitutionnellement définis. Afin d'introduire notre étude, nous décrivons la relation qui existe entre les modalités démocratiques et la démocratie directe d'une part et la politique budgétaire d'autre part, aux Etats-Unis sur la période 1790-2014 dans l'Introduction Générale. Dans le Chapitre 2 nous étudions l'effet authentique et potentiellement néfaste des cycles politico-budgétaires. Notre méta-analyse suggère que les dirigeants nationaux manipulent effectivement le budget dans un but de réélection mais l'ampleur du phénomène est largement exagérée par la littérature. Toutefois, le biais de publication mis en lumière s'est significativement réduit lors des 25 dernières années de recherches. Dans le Chapitre 3 nous étudions comment l'affiliation partisane des gouverneurs américains affecte le statut de pauvreté des immigrants, aux Etats-Unis, sur la période 1994-2014. Pour ce faire, nous comparons le niveau de pauvreté des immigrants dans les Etats gouvernés par les Démocrates au niveau de pauvreté des immigrants constaté dans les Etats gouvernés par les Républicains. En accord avec la littérature sur l'affiliation partisane, nous trouvons que les immigrants ont plus d'opportunités de sortir de la pauvreté sous les Démocrates que sous les Républicains. Une analyse formelle de médiation révèle que nos résultats empiriques sont médiatisés par un meilleur accès au marché du travail et possiblement de meilleures rétributions du travail, pour les immigrants. Dans le Chapitre 4 nous cherchons à vérifier l'évolution des notations souveraines lors des périodes d'inauguration des nouveaux dirigeants sur un échantillon de 18 pays d'Amérique Latine et des Caraïbes ayant des systèmes présidentiels. A partir de données de panel journalières s'étendant du 1er janvier 1994 au 31 décembre 2014, nous trouvons que les notations souveraines sont de meilleure qualité durant les périodes d'inauguration anticipées comparées aux autres périodes d'inauguration. En outre, nos résultats montrent que durant ces périodes d'inauguration anticipées, les notations sont encore meilleures lorsque le dirigeant entrant (i) est économiquement de droite, (ii) dispose d'un diplôme universitaire d'un pays de l'OCDE, (iii) a un parcours professionnel traditionnel, (iv) a une approche non populiste, et (v) dispose de marges électorales de victoire importantes. Il apparaît également un biais de genre potentiel à la faveur des nouveaux dirigeants de sexe masculin. En prenant avantage d'un modèle de durée et de régressions de Cox -- modèle à risque proportionnel, nous mettons en lumière que les périodes d'inauguration des dirigeants affectent également la probabilité instantanée de dégradation des notations souveraines. Enfin, dans la Conclusion Générale nous explorons les racines des pensées antisystèmes en Occident, puis nous discutons des avantages et inconvénients de quelques formes alternatives de démocratie, à savoir (i) la démocratie directe, (ii) le tirage au sort, et (iii) le développement participatif comme bien public. Finalement, nous explorons les controverses concernant les formes alternatives de démocratie sur l'agora virtuelle que constitue Twitter. / The aim of the present dissertation is to empirically investigate the economic impact of three democratic modalities, namely (i) the electoral agenda; (ii) the partisan affiliation of incumbents in a multipartism framework; and (iii) constitutionally defined leadership changes. To introduce the scope of the dissertation we describe the democratic modalities and direct democracy behind the U.S. fiscal policy from 1790 to 2014, in the General Introduction.In Chapter 2 we study the genuine detrimental effect of political budget cycles. Our meta-analysis suggests that national leaders do manipulate fiscal tools in order to be re-elected, but to an extent that is significantly exaggerated in the literature. The publication selection bias highlighted has nonetheless been reduced during the past 25 years of research. In Chapter 3 we investigate how governors' partisan affiliation affects the poverty status of immigrants to the U.S for the period 1994-2014. To this end, we compare the poverty outcomes of immigrants in states ruled by Democratic governors relative to the outcomes for those in states ruled by Republican governors. Consistent with the literature on partisan affiliation, we find that immigrants are more likely to get out of poverty in states with Democratic governors than states with Republican governors. A formal mediation analysis reveals that the empirical results are mediated through better access to the labor market and possibly through higher wages and labor earnings for immigrants. In Chapter 4 we assess whether sovereign credit ratings change during the inauguration periods of incoming leaders, on a sample of 18 Latin American and Caribbean countries with presidential systems. Building on a daily panel dataset covering the period from January 1, 1994 to December 31, 2014, we find that credit ratings are better during anticipated inauguration periods compared to other inauguration periods. Moreover, our results reveal that, during anticipated inauguration periods, incoming leaders with (i) an economically right-wing orientation; (ii) an OECD college degree; (iii) a traditional professional background; (iv) a non-populist approach; and (v) large electoral margins of victory are associated to even better ratings. There also appears to be a potential gender bias effect in favor of male incoming leaders. Last but not least, the quality of the credit rating also matters. In the General Conclusion we explore the roots of anti-systemism in the West, then we discuss some alternative forms of democracy, and we explore the controversies regarding the alternative forms of democracy on the virtual \emph{agora} of Twitter.