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Text in German / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th (Missiology)

Das Wort was a literary journal published by German Communist writers and fellow-travelers exiled in Moscow from 1936 to 1939. It was to be a mouthpiece for German literature in exile and to promote the Popular Front policy, which sought to unite disparate elements in non-Fascist Europe in opposition to the Nazis. Das Wort, under the editorship of German Communist writers whose close association with the Soviet Union had been well established in the previous decade, tried to provide a forum for exiled writers of various political persuasions, but was unwavering in its positive portrayal of Stalin's Soviet Union and the policies of that country. As the level of hysteria grew with the successive purges and public show trials in the Soviet Union, the journal adopted an even more eulogistic and militant attitude: any criticism or expression of doubt about Soviet policy was equated with support for Fascism. Thus the ability of the journal to contribute to the formation of a true common front in Europe to oppose Fascism was compromised from the outset by its total support for the Soviet Union. The Popular Front policy foundered on this issue, and that portion of German literature in exile which was to form the first generation of East German literature was inextricably bound to the Soviet Union well before the German Democratic Republic came in to existence.

This study has presented an overview of the significant impact the Balkan Federation attempts had upon the 1948 Soviet-Yugoslav split. Furthermore, this thesis argues that Yugoslav Communist leader Josip Broz-Tito's intentions to create a federation of Balkan countries and East European bloc states challenged Joseph Stalin's monolithic dominance. United under Tito, this federation could have provided resistance to Stalin's plans to subjugate Communist Europe under his command. Furthermore, for Tito, the Balkan Federation represented the opportunity to maintain control over Yugoslavian affairs while enhancing his influence in the region. Such a demonstration of independence by Tito could cause other Soviet dominated areas to question Stalin's authority. It is this scenario of a Balkan Federation inside Stalin's Communist realm that became the immediate factor in the Moscow-Belgrade break. / Department of History

In 1922, the Bolshevik government expelled some 160 prominent intellectuals from Russia. Numbered among these were many of the leaders of the Religious Renaissance which had flourished since the turn of the century. They advocated a "third way": neither for the Tsarist regime nor the Bolsheviks; neither for Capitalism nor Communism; neither for Materialism nor Idealism; rather, they promoted personalist, spiritual development (Godmanhood ), Christian economic ethics (Sobornost'), and a path to knowledge informed by reason, but guided by faith (Religious-Philosophy ). Forced to join the Russian diaspora, these religious philosophers continued to advance their movement with the help of the Young Men's Christian Association. Largely at the initiative of Nikolai Berdyaev (1874--1948), they also began to interact with the French intellectual milieu in Paris in order to develop inter-confessional and cultural understandings. Although Russian religious-philosophy suffered a certain decline following World War Two, many of their writings had returned to the USSR. As Soviet intellectuals discovered these works, they gradually began to revolt against dialectical materialism, and aspire to recover the religious-philosophical tradition. In 1988, this Return was at last made possible, and religious-philosophy has been enjoying a second renaissance which continues unabated today.

Univ., Diss.--Potsdam, 2004.

Text in German / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th (Missiology)

Orientador: Claudio Henrique de Moraes Batalha / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T18:14:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Torres_RaquelMundim_M.pdf: 5070635 bytes, checksum: 952e0d1e3497803ff6d8a878deba3c1a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esse trabalho analisa os primeiros relatos de viagem de brasileiros à União Soviética, publicados entre 1928 e 1933. Busca historicizá-los, salientando não só as ideologias de seus autores, como também o contexto anticomunista imposto pelas autoridades brasileiras, em especial, pelo Itamaraty. A pesquisa aborda ainda a maneira como as viagens ocorriam e a forma como os viajantes eram recepcionados e manejados por algumas cidades da URSS. Para tal, analisa como agências soviéticas atuavam na hospitalidade dos viajantes, a fim de controlarem e persuadirem suas percepções. Por fim, é feito uma análise da imagem que os viajantes brasileiros formaram do cotidiano soviético no período em que viajaram correspondente ao período do Primeiro Plano Quinquenal. O intuito principal da pesquisa foi trabalhar com os relatos de viagem nas suas mais diversas possibilidades, a fim de contribuir para a inserção destas narrativas como fontes documentais na historiografia social / Abstract: This research analyzes travel accounts from the first Brazilians who went to the Soviet Union, published between 1928 and 1933. It aims to historicize them, stressing not only the ideologies of their authors, but also the Brazilian anticommunist context imposed by authorities, in particular by the Foreign Ministry, Itamaraty. The research also investigates how the trips occurred and how the travelers were received and treated in some cities of the USSR. For that, it analyzes how some Soviet agencies behaved in hospitality, in order to control and persuade their perceptions. Finally, an analysis is made of the image that Brazilian travelers formed from Soviet everyday life on the period of the First Five-Year Plan. The main purpose of this study was to work with travel accounts considering its various possibilities, in order to contribute to the inclusion of these narratives as documentary sources in social historiography / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestra em História

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

During the third year of the Great War 1914-1918 Russia experienced the upheaval of revolution, precipitating the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and installation of the Provisional Government in March, and culminating in the Bolshevik takeover of November, 1917. Due to the political, military, and economic chaos which accompanied the revolution Russia was unable to continue the struggle on the eastern front. Russia was not fighting the war against the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary alone, however, and her threat to capitulate was of the gravest concern to her Allies, Great Britain and France. In fact the disintegration of Russia's war effort was the pivotal issue around which Anglo-Russian relations revolved in 1917. Britain's war policy was dominated by the belief that the eastern front had to be maintained to achieve victory. It appeared that any interruption to the eastern front would allow Germany to reinforce her lines on the western front, then to win and control the economic destiny of Europe. Britain could not allow this to happen. This study focuses on the reportage from British diplomats and representatives in and outside of Russia to their superiors at the Foreign Office in London from December 1916 to December 1917. A vast wealth of documentation is available in the Foreign Office Correspondence. Analysis of these notes reveals certain trends which were dictated by the kaleidoscopic turn of events in Russia and the national ethos of these representatives. A minute analysis demonstrates a great diversity of opinion regarding the situation in Russia, ranging from optimism to pessimism and objectivity to prejudice in all phases of the year 1917. To a limited degree this diversity can be correlated with the geographical location and diplomatic status of the individual representatives. Above all it is clear that when historians quote from these sources, they choose the quotations which support the conclusions they have already reached because they know the outcome of the developments that they are describing. The individuals on the spot at the time were far less prescient and insightful. They were much more affected by their own historical prejudices and rumours, as well as the vagaries and short-term shifts of their immediate environment. Many of them believed in the great-man theory of history; a number attributed all developments and difficulties to some aspect of the Russian national character; some explained certain events during the year by conspiracies, especially of the Jews, with whom they tended to equate the Bolsheviks. Only a few were consistently solid and realistic in their appraisal of events, attributing them to factors favoured by our most respected historians. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate