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This study concerns the sources of the revolutionary Bolshevik elite's social and ethnic origins in Late Imperial Russia. The key finding is that the Bolshevik leadership of the revolutionary years 1917--1924 was highly ethnically diverse in origin with non-Russians---Jews, Latvians, Georgians, Armenians, Poles, Lithuanians, and Ukrainians---constituting nearly two-thirds of the elite. The 'Russian' Revolution was led primarily by elites of the empire's non-Russian national minorities. This thesis therefore considers the sources of their radicalism in the peripheries of the multinational empire. / Although the 'class' language of socialism has dominated accounts not only of the causes of the Revolution but also of the sources of Bolshevik socialism, in my view the Bolsheviks were more a response to a variety of cultural, linguistic, religious, and ethnic social identities than they were a response to class conflict. The appeal of a theory about class conflict does not necessarily mean that it was class conflict to which the Bolsheviks were responding; they were much more a product of the tensions of a multi-ethnic imperial state than of the alienating 'class' effects of an industrializing Russian state. / How 'peripherals' of the imperial borderlands came to espouse an ideology of the imperial 'center' is the empirical focus. Five substantive chapters on Jews, Poles and Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Transcaucasians, and Latvians, consider the sources of their radicalism by contextualizing their biographies in regional ethnopolitics and in relationships to the Tsarist state. A great attraction of Russian (Bolshevik) socialism was in what it meant for ethnopolitics in the multi-ethnic borderlands: much of the appeal lay in its secularism, its 'ecumenical' political vision, its universalism, its anti-nationalism, and in its implied commitment to "the good imperial ideal". The 'elective affinities' between individuals of different ethnic strata and Russian socialism varied across ethnic groups, and often within them. One of the key themes, therefore, is how a social and political identity is worked out within the context of a multinational empire, invoking social processes such as nationalism, assimilation, Russification, social mobility, access to provincial and imperial 'civil societies', linguistic and cultural choices, and ethnopolitical relationships.

Orientador: Caio Navarro de Toledo / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T16:37:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cabrera_JoseRoberto_D.pdf: 1544985 bytes, checksum: be6a043e0d224d0065cbceec4d9f556d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Esta tese apresenta o modo como o Partido Comunista do Brasil reagiu à chamada crise do socialismo e aos eventos que puseram fim à União Soviética. O PC do Brasil firmou-se historicamente como organização marxista-leninista vinculado à tradição da Internacional Comunista. Sua identidade política e ideológica consolidou-se em oposição ao chamado revisionismo contemporâneo, identificado com os rumos empreendidos na URSS após o XX Congresso do PCUS. Este processo aproximou-o das críticas do Partido Comunista Chinês e do Partido do Trabalho da Albânia. Na década de 1980 a crise soviética foi avaliada como o resultado da crescente integração da URSS no mundo capitalista e das políticas 'social-imperialistas¿ por ela aplicadas, caracterizando o regime soviético como um tipo de capitalismo de Estado. Em 1991, na medida em que a crise se expandiu sobre a Albânia, exemplo de coerência e de fidelidade ao marxismo-leninismo na opinião do PC do B, as formulações teóricas em torno do revisionismo passaram a ser reavaliadas. No seu VIII Congresso em 1992, o PC do B inovou ao criticar a experiência bolchevique. Reafirmou sua adesão ao marxismo-leninismo e ao socialismo, traçando caminho distinto de várias outras organizações comunistas pelo mundo. Durante este processo, o PC do Brasil oscilou entre uma abordagem que apontava a luta de classes como responsável fundamental das transformações operadas no interior do regime soviético, enquanto de outro lado, manifestava uma tendência economicista, situando os problemas do socialismo em torno do imperativo do desenvolvimento das forças produtivas. Em certa medida, desviou-se do debate desses temas fundamentais ou, quando o fez, tratou-os de maneira marginal, mantendo um conjunto perguntas sem respostas e submetendo constantemente as formulações teóricas às exigências da conjuntura política, potencializadas por uma institucionalização crescente no sistema político / Abstract: This thesis intend discuss the used ways by the Communist Party of Brazil (PC of B) in order to respond to the socialism¿s crisis and to the events that finished with the Soviet Union. The PC of B historically affirmed itself as a Marxist-Leninist organization tied to the International Communist tradition. Its politics and ideological identity was consolidated as opposition to the called ¿contemporary revisionism¿, at the same time the cited studied party identified itself with the USSR¿s route with was adopted after the XX Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. This process brought its position to Chinese Communist Party and the Labour Party of Albania¿s critics. In the eighties, the Soviet crisis was evaluated as a consequence of the progressive integration of the USSR in the capitalist world, and as its social-imperialists practices resulted in to characterize the Soviet regime as a model of capitalism¿s state. In 1991, the Soviet crisis has expanded to the Albania (example of coherency and loyalty to Marxism-Leninism by PC of B evaluation); as result of it, the theoretical formulations around the revisionism starting to be reevaluated. In its VIII Congress (1992), the PC do B innovated when criticized the Bolshevik¿s experience. It reaffirmed its loyalty to Marxism-Leninism and socialism, adopting particular way in opposition to several other communist organizations around the world. During its process, the PC of B ranged between approaches that have pointed the struggle of classes as a fundamental responsible by changes that occurred in the Soviet regime, while on the other hand, approaches that used an economics¿ tendency evaluation, putting the socialism problems as the consequence of development of the productive forces and its imperatives. Amazing piece of fortune, or not, the PC of B got out from discussion about these essential issues, or, when did it, approached them superficially, using a marginal way, keeping stronger questions without answers and keeping the theoretical formulations constantly under the local political demands, enhanced by a growing institutionalization in the political system / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

This thesis examines the development of Russian industry, and includes chapters on Russian manufacturing prior to the world war, heavy industry, light industry, sources of supplies, hindrances to manufacturing, and working and housing conditions.

This work presents a brief historical survey of the Church and State relationship from the introduction of Christianity into Russia in the tenth century until the beginning of the Russo-German War in 1941.

Orientador: Liliana Rolfsen Petrilli Segnini / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T10:51:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas_MarcilioRodrigues_D.pdf: 3043330 bytes, checksum: a0f2bdab5bee59caf15b47e518ab7ad8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Este trabalho analisa dilemas do marxismo em torno da questão da racionalização do trabalho no século XX, especialmente no período entreguerras, quando se difundia pelo mundo capitalista os princípios tayloristas de organização científica do trabalho. Tais dilemas se relacionam ao fato de que o desenvolvimento da grande indústria moderna e a difusão dos princípios tayloristas permitiram uma grande elevação da produtividade do trabalho, ao mesmo tempo em que exacerbaram a condição subordinada dos trabalhadores no interior do processo de produção. Essa dinâmica colocou problemas para os movimentos operários e o pensamento marxista, tanto no que se refere às estratégias e possibilidades de resistência ao incremento da subordinação e da exploração sobre a força de trabalho, quanto em relação aos desafios teóricos e práticos contidos na tarefa de distinção entre os elementos potencialmente positivos desse processo de produção e os traços degradantes de sua exploração capitalista. As dificuldades se revelaram de forma mais dramática no caso da experiência revolucionária russa, na qual o horizonte aberto para a emancipação dos trabalhadores se chocava com a necessidade imediata de organizar e desenvolver o aparato produtivo frágil e deficiente. Por isso, esta pesquisa se concentra sobre o conjunto de problemas e experiências verificado na sociedade soviética, desde as formulações de Lenin a respeito do taylorismo, passando pelas tentativas de concretização de um "taylorismo soviético" na década de 1920, até o surgimento do stakhanovismo durante o período stalinista, em 1935, formando um movimento de operários que obtinham recordes de produção e reivindicavam, como princípio, uma racionalização do trabalho fundada em propostas e iniciativas dos próprios trabalhadores. A hipótese principal defendida em relação a essas experiências é que a estratégia de incorporação do taylorismo carregava limites incontornáveis do ponto de vista da emancipação dos trabalhadores, mas, por outro lado, o seu abandono no momento da ascensão stalinista representou um retrocesso e não um avanço, já que engendrou uma dinâmica em que a exaltação dos stakhanovistas, como "heróis do trabalho", obscurecia a formação de uma organização despótica e ineficiente da produção, cujos traços essenciais permaneceram até a dissolução do regime / Abstract: This thesis analyses Marxism¿s dilemmas around the question of the labor rationalization in the 20th century, specifically on the interwar period, when was diffused on the capitalist world the Taylor's principles of scientific organization of work. These dilemmas were associated with the modern industry development and the diffusion of the Taylor¿s principle. These facts allowed a huge increase of the work productivity causing at the same time an exacerbation of the worker¿s subordination condition inside the productive process. This dynamic put some problems for the workers movement and for the Marxist thought. Whether to the resistance strategies and possibilities against subordination increase and against work force exploitation, whether to the theoretical and practical challenges linked with the task of making a distinction between the potentially positive factors of this productive process and the degraded traits of the capitalist exploitation of this. The dilemmas were shown in a more dramatic way in the Russian¿s revolutionary experience, in which the possibility for worker¿s emancipation collided with the immediate necessity of organize and develop the productive resource, which was fragile and low. Considering all these facts, this research focused on all problems and experiences verified in the soviet society since Lenin¿s formulations about taylorism, going through concretion efforts to stablish a "soviet taylorism" in 1920, until the raising of Stakhanovism during the Stalinist period in 1935. In that year was formed a worker¿s movement that broken productive records and claimed, as a principle, a labor rationalization rooted on proposals and initiatives of the workers by themselves. The main hypothesis defended about these experiences was that the attempt of taylorism incorporation brought unsolvable limits to the worker's emancipation matters, but on the other hand, the renunciation of this attempt during Stalinist rising, meant a regression instead an improvement. It happened because was engendered a dynamic in which the Stakhanovist¿s exaltation as "heroes of the work" obscured the formation of a despotic and inefficient productive organization, which essential traits remained until the end of the regime / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Women have been part of modern revolutions since the American Revolution against Great Britain. Most descriptions and analyses of revolution relegate women to a supporting role, or make no mention of women's involvement at all. This work differs from prior efforts in that it will explore one possible explanation for the successes of three revolutions based upon the levels of women's support for those revolutions. An analysis of the three cases (Ireland, Russia, and Nicaragua) suggests a series of hypotheses about women's participation in revolution and its importance to revolutions' success.

xii, 310 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / Nostalgia is the longing for a lost, and often substantially reimagined, time or place. Commonly regarded as a conservative impulse available for exploitation by hegemonic forces, nostalgia can also be a source of social questioning and creative inspiration. This dissertation examines the ways in which nostalgic longing imports images and ideas from memory into present discourse and infuses works of art with complication, contradiction, and ambiguity. In the early 1960s, emboldened by Nikita Khrushchev's cultural Thaw, many Soviet filmmakers engaged both personal and social memory to craft challenging reflections of and responses to their times. These filmmakers reengaged the sundered spirit of the 1920s avant-garde and reimagined the nation's artistic and spiritual heritage; they captured the passing moments of contemporary history in a way that animated the permanent, productive, and sometimes stormy dialogue between the present and the persistent past. Mikhail Kalatozov's I Am Cuba (1964), Andrei Tarkovsky's Andrei Rublev (1966, released 1971), and Marlen Khutsiev's Ilich's Gate (1961, released with changes in 1965 as I Am Twenty ) were planned in the anxious years surrounding Khrushchev's fall, and the films mark a high point of Thaw-era cinematic audacity. Each film is epic in scope; each deploys temporal longing to generate narrative ambiguity and dialogue between historical epochs. The films are haunted by ghosts; they challenge the hegemony of the "now" by insisting on the phantom presence of a thousand "thens"; they refurbish old dreams and question contemporary assumptions. The Thaw permitted the intrusion of private memory into public history, and the past became a zone for exploration rather than justification. Easy answers became harder to come by, but the profusion of questions and suggestions created a brief silver age for Soviet cinema. For us, these films offer an extraordinary glimpse into creative life during one of the great, unsung social transitions of the 20th century and reveal the crucial contribution of individual memory in the artistic quest for formal diversity, spiritual inspiration, and ethical living. / Committee in Charge: Dr. H. Leslie Steeves, Chair; Dr. Biswarup Sen; Dr. Julianne Newton; Dr. Jenifer Presto