Traditionally, in the landscape profession, landscape analysis has been concerned with the physical aspects of place. Properties like shape, amount, use, colour and content have been surveyed, identified and classed in their various combinations to describe ' place character '. With few exceptions, (Appleton 1998), the psychological aspects of place as criteria for classification have been largely ignored. One of the reasons for this, has been the argument that such data are' subjective' and personal, when what is required is,' objective', verifiable and subject to 'constancy'. Another equally valid objection has been the difficulty in defining and identifying the psychological properties of place. The proposed method of analysing places by their psychological properties depends on people being able to verbally describe their feelings and states of mind. To define the survey parameters, these personal, emotional and mental properties have been identified and arranged in spectrums. By selecting the appropriate terms to describe their feelings in place, psychological profiles can be prepared, describing person-place relationships. With many such profiles, linked to personal details, like age, activity, sex and culture, factor analysis allows statistical examinations to be made of these person-place relationships. These reveal consistent patterns, relating particular combinations of feelings to particular combinations of perceivable place properties. Language is the medium of analysis and a linguistic examination of the data allows its classification into different types of place property. Those which are tangible, nominals and nouns, like apples, beds and chairs, and those which are intangible and descriptors, like abnormality, banality and chaos. Linguistics also offers, through concepts like antonymy, the ability to express opposites or contrasts in design terms, like, alien-friendly, bold-weak, chaotic-ordered. Certain combinations of emotions and perceivable, intangible place properties indicate places of particular significance. These are defined as archetypes. Thus, Arcadia is emotionally peaceful, restful and tranquil, and perceivably fertile, productive and beautiful. Battlefield is tense, shocking, stressful and perceivably brutal, chaotic and dramatic. CG Jung, (1968) asserted that anthropomorphic archetypes exist in the 'collective unconscious' of society and that this innate knowledge prepares the mind for future encounters. His archetypes included concepts like Mother and Father, Superman and Hero. By extension, it is postulated that places are also archetypal. To relate people to places objectively, the concept of 'objective relativity' is evoked ( G H Mead. 1932), allowing personal properties like awe, beauty and calmness to be logically attributed to place, relative to particular people. The main concept on which the thesis is based, is 'Psychospace', a linguistic model of the total psychological experience of place. New concepts are created to describe further people-place relationships. Prattles are property feelings of people attributed to place and Percies are properties of place perceived by some people and not others, and therefore 'subjective', like order, chaos and formality. Also included in 'subjective' judgements are those of assessment. Procons are personal properties, like quality and value, good, bad and satisfactory, but also objectively relative. Methods are proposed for the analysis of places and people and the identification of concepts which are employed in the processes of design. Examples are shown and discussed of how the formulated principles work in practice.

The population biology and socio-spatial organisation of the woodland dormouse, Graphiurus murinus (Desmarest, 1822), was investigated in a riverine forest at the Great Fish River Reserve (GFRR), South Africa. Data were collected by means of a monthly live trapping and nestbox monitoring programme. Between February 2006 and June 2007, 75 woodland dormice were trapped and/or found in nestboxes and marked: these were 39 adults (13 males, 21 females, five undetermined) and 36 juveniles (five males, 14 females, 17 undetermined). The population showed a steady increase from June 2006–November 2006 and a peak in December 2006–January 2007 as a result of the influx of juveniles. The minimum number of dormice known to be alive (MNA) varied between 40 in December 2006– January 2007 (summer), and a low of three in June 2007 (winter). The range in population density was therefore between 1.2 and 16 dormice per ha. Winter mortality and/or spring dispersal accounted for the disappearance of 55 percent of juveniles. The overall annual adult:juvenile ratio was 1.08. The overall sex ratio was 1.94 female per one male. In females, reproductive activity was observed from September 2006 to end January 2007. The pattern observed in males was similar, as dormice with descended testes were exclusively found from October to end January. Females gave birth during the second half of October to beginning of February. Litters (n = 11) consisted of an average (± SD) 3.73 ± 0.47 young. Over the study period, 27 dormice were trapped or found in nestboxes more than eight times, thus allowing me to estimate their home range size and the spatial overlap between these individuals. On average, dormouse home range size was 2,514 m2 (range: 319 – 4,863 m2). No difference was recorded between one-year old adults and older adults, or between all adults and juveniles. However, adult male dormice (3,989 m2, n = 5) had home ranges almost twice as large as females (2,091 m2, n = 9). No similar trend was found in juveniles. Intrasexual home range overlap was on average 62 percent in adult males, and 26 percent in adult females. However, females overlapped with more neighbouring female home ranges than did males with neighbouring male home ranges, so that, as for males, only small parts of female home ranges were really exclusive. On average, males overlapped a larger Abstract Ecology of woodland dormice M.Sc. Thesis 16 proportion (48 percent) of female home ranges than did females with neighbouring male home ranges (27 percent). In addition, males overlapped with significantly more female home ranges (7.8) than did females with male home ranges (4.9). Trapping success and nestbox data agree with the socio-ecological model. Females showed increased mobility during summer, more likely to find suitable nesting sites, and food for milk production during the reproductive season. The use of nestboxes, however, was constant throughout the year. In males, both the trapping success and nestbox use were higher during the mating season (spring), when an increased mobility and occupation of nestboxes probably increased the chances to locate and mate with (a) receptive female(s). Hence, food and (artificial) nest sites may constitute an important resource for females, whereas females seem to represent the main resource for males. Although food availability was not determined, a comparison of female and male distribution patterns provided interesting information on the mating system of woodland dormice. In GFRR, the dispersion pattern of female woodland dormice was “rather” clumped, i.e. females were non-territorial. As some females showed a dyadic intrasexual overlap of up to 90 percent, and population density was very high at the study site, this may indicate that food was very abundant and/or renewed rapidly. Based on the wide range of birth dates observed during the study period, females clearly come into oestrus at different times. In such circumstances (asynchronous sexual receptivity in females), the Female in Space and Time Hypothesis (Ims 1987a) predicts that males will be non-territorial and promiscuous. Live-trapping, nestbox use and home range data indeed suggested that male woodland dormice do not defend territories, but search for and aggregate around receptive females during the mating season.

The spatial perceptions (i.e., ability to find hidden objects) of infants were tested and compared to their self-mobility and gender. Sixteen infants, eight males and eight females, were tested four times over a nine-week period. The testing was begun with each infant two to three weeks after the infant had begun to crawl.

The aims of the present study were twofold: (1) to determine the effectiveness of various map formats in presenting mass transit information; and (2) to assess subjects’ internal representation of spatial features of the environment. It was hypothesized that bus route selection would be a function of both the amount of detail and the road structure presented in maps and that the effect of detail and road structure would depend upon the familiarity of the mapped area. A 2 X 2 X 2 (Familiarity x Detail x Road Structure) factorial design was employed in the experiment. The familiarity factor was manipulated by mapping a familiar area (Blacksburg, Virginia) and an unfamiliar area (an altered section of London, England). Detail was manipulated by including or not including roads and landmarks on the maps. Road Structure was manipulated by presenting roads in either a veridical or a simplified manner. Performance on a map reading task was used to assess the effects of the independent variables. Fourty undergraduate subjects were required to first locate two intersections on a bus route map and second, to determine a bus route between the two intersections. Five dependent measures of map reading ability were obtained. Results indicated that, for both familiar and unfamiliar areas, a veridical road structure yielded less errors and faster times for determining a bus route than did a simplified road structure, and that detail lengthened the time to perform the task. / Master of Science

Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of St Andrews, May 2007.

A 12-month study of the ranging behaviour of 11 spider monkeys (Ateles geoffroyi yucatanensis) was undertaken at the Otochma' ax Yetel Kooh nature reserve in the state of Yucatan, Mexico. The aims were: 1) to evaluate the relationship between ranging patterns of the monkeys and ecological features i.e. climate and food distribution, 2) to assess the efficiency of ranging patterns, and 3) to test the hypothesis that spider monkeys navigate between important sources through spatial memory of key locations. A focal animal was followed daily for as long as possible and details of its ranging patterns recorded by entering positional fixes with a GPS receiver. Behavioural states were included in the observations to link them with the geographical information recorded simultaneously. The results revealed that the ranging patterns of spider monkeys at the study site were determined by the availability of key species of fruit in the area. Ranging was efficient, as evidenced by the fact that in most instances - particularly in the dry season when food was scarce - (1) spider monkeys moved in straight lines to distant food sources, (2) were able to orient their movement toward a food source at distances that could not have been in sight from the point where directed movement originated, and (3) the successive organisation of these linear segments was consistently forward, suggesting an ability to plan ahead of the next food source visited. I present these results as evidence of the use of spatial memory to move efficiently between important sources in their environment, and I argue in favour of higher-level spatial abilities in this species of New World monkeys.

The overall purpose of the investigation was to determine the existence and extent of several relationships regarding the college student's seating position in the classroom.The design also included provisions for determining the relationships between the student's choice of seat and their academic achievement, academic ability, self-concept, self-acceptance, self-actual1zlng values, self regard, self-acceptance, initial expression of interest in the course, initial estimate of difficulty expected in the course, and initial estimate of his final grade in the course.

Investigations of children's spatial ability have typically looked at performance on laboratory tasks, and none have examined differences between learning disabled and non-learning disabled children. The present study surveyed sixty-seven parents of third and sixth grade children about the types of spatial activities children engage in everyday. Parents of learning disabled and non-learning disabled children were included. Results provided information about the types of spatial activities children engage in and the relationships between participation and performance. Major findings included differences between learning disabled and non-learning disabled children in navigational ability and in the strategies employed in difficult or ambiguous spatial situations. Findings were discussed in terms of the influence learning disabled children's negative self evaluations have on their performance.

D.Litt.et Phil. (Sociology) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree: Master of Architecture (Professional) to the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016 / The heritage and history of a city is often based on urban legend. These stories pertain the cultural rooting of the society that had lived within the cities from their founding and until today. Johannesburg or Egoli appears to have skipped this cultural rooting and instead stems from the political and commercial soil of the gold mines. If we excavate into the gold mining history of the city – and even into the history preceding it - we can find the hidden sacred and cultural beginnings embedded in our society today. Our society has been formed on the continual evolution of the ideas of the sacred and profane through practices of incorporation, salvation and adaptation. As the gold mines in the city shut down, in 1940, the migrant labourers were left in hostels in an unfamiliar terrain and little means to make a living (Potenze, 2015). This means that today, we can still find evidence of the importance of sacred rituals similar to those in the mining compounds. Religions and cultures in Johannesburg, that have been gradually changed overtime, are a result of the incorporation of mining labour, urban customs and western ideas (including religion and technologies). Although the city has clearly harmed the rural traditions, we can still see glimpses of the endurance of the sacred within the profane landscape. The profane is adapted by the different communities in the inner city – as will be discussed with reference to the Mai Mai and Shembe (Nazareth Baptist Church) communities – to express their cultures of the sacred, traditional and religious and to accommodate for ritual practices associated with them. Today’s societies of the inner city are a mix of cultures, religions, God, the ancestors and ritual practices - both sacred and profane. By learning from the way in which these communities continually evolved to incorporate their environments into their traditions, the city too must now incorporate these communities and their beliefs into its structure. If this is achieved, it could ignite a healing process through integration as opposed to replacement or removal of elements of the city or of its society. This report explores ideas of the importance of religion and culture in Johannesburg’s context. As it is an architectural analysis, the response will be a proposal for religious infrastructure and space within the area of City and Suburban, alongside the Kwa Mai Mai market and the gathering spaces of the Shembe / Nazareth Baptist Church. This will promote and retain the cultures, traditions and religions that were brought to the city and used as a tool of survival. / MT2017