During the late 1970s Ghana was described as a collapsed and failed state. In contrast, today it is hailed internationally as beacon of democracy and stability in West Africa. In light of Ghana’s drastic image change from a fragile and even collapsed polity to a resilient state, this thesis contributes to the statebuilding debate by analysing the social change that occurred. Grounded in a critical theory approach the thesis applies a political settlement analysis to explore how power is distributed and changed over time between contending social groups; exploring the extent to which this is embedded in formal and informal institutional arrangements. Ghana’s 2012 elections serve as an empirical basis and lens to observe the country’s current settlement. This approach enables a fine grained within-case comparison with Ghana’s collapsed post-independent settlement. The analysis illustrates that while there has been no transformation of the Ghanaian state, however, continuous incremental structural change has occurred within it, as demonstrated by a structurally altered constellation of power. While internationally propagated (neo-)liberal economic and political reforms had a vital impact on the reconstruction process of state-society relations, Ghana’s labelling as “success story” evokes the distorted idea of a resilient liberal state. The sustainability of Ghana’s current settlement characterised by electoral competitive clientelism depends on a continued inflow of foreign capital. So far the mutually beneficial interest of portraying Ghana as a resilient state by its elites and donors ensures the flow of needed financial assistance to preserve the settlement.

The regulation of bankruptcy poses a dilemma to societies. It needs to address two problems at once: the first concerns the balance between debtor and creditor interests; the second pertains to the question between deterrence and continuity. Up to the present day there is much disagreement about the appropriate design of bankruptcy procedures. German states in the nineteenth-century found it impossible to agree on a common insolvency regime until the 1870s. This thesis investigates the legal as well as the social process of bankruptcy in a sample of towns and states in Germany between 1815 and 1870. It focused on non-Prussian legal systems in order to shed light on those alternative solutions to bankruptcy that were not ultimately adopted in the national bankruptcy code. Bankruptcy was a social process that could take place in court as well as out of court. Creditors and debtors had strong incentives to turn to extrajudicial settlement mechanisms. Where strong local corporate organisations for merchants existed, they facilitated settlements and rule-enforcement among its members out of the official court system. Those local clubs often played the role of an arbitrator. For long, bankruptcy regulation had been part of the mercantile self-administration. Legal harmonization and processes of state formation put an end to these practises. Simultaneously, an industrializing economy devised new organisational forms that were alien to the old legal framework. Toward the second half of the century, legal harmonization gained momentum; creditor protection became the focus of lawmakers while local communities and their interests no longer played a role. As German legislators built a national and universally shared legal framework, bankruptcy regulation ceased to be local and communal. This was to the liking of businessmen, who had long complained about legal fragmentation when trying to conduct business across different German regions.

This thesis explores the politics of drugs and addiction in Iran in light of processes of state formation. The case of Iran provides a paradigm of what has come to be known as the 'War on Drugs' in a political and cultural setting that has been characterised, by most of the area studies literature, by other investigations and scholarly questions. Iran, nevertheless, represents an outstanding case for the study of the War on Drugs; it is at the geopolitical crossroads of international drug routes, it has one of the world highest rates of drug 'addiction' - estimated at between 2-3% and 6-7% of the entire population - and it has progressively seen the rise of synthetic, industrial drugs, such as methamphetamines (shisheh). The thesis situates the phenomenon of drug use in the social and political history of Iran with a particular attention to the transformations taking place after the Islamic Revolution in 1979. It provides a genealogical map of policy experimentations in the field of drugs, while it also casts light on the rationale that governs the formation and transformation of state practices vis à vis drugs, especially during the reformist and post-reformist period (1997-2013). To do so, the research combines extensive archival research using Persian sources (newspapers, reports, films, memoires, etc.) starting from the early 1900s, with ethnographic fieldwork in public clinics, rehab centres, drug using hotspots and, more generally, the street. The outcome is an in-depth engagement with narcotic politics, which unearths unstudied dynamics of Iran's contemporary politics and society. Instead of moralising approaches, what is unveiled is a state that adopts both rhetoric and practice that are secularised and in tune with Western models of policymaking. Eventually, the thesis reveals how the image of the Iranian state has not only been misplaced, but it has also been a myth.

A civilização minóica da Creta da Idade do Bronze foi uma das poucas civilizações européias a organizar a sociedade através de um sistema palacial. Os estudos sobre a formação dos estados minóicos devem analisar em profundidade o sistema administrativo palacial e as mudanças no mesmo ao longo de seus seis séculos de funcionamento - neste trabalho pretende-se analisar a evolução da complexidade das unidades sócio-políticas minóicas através da análise de suas formas administrativas. A definição de categorias de sítios administrativos - pela análise funcional dos vestígios arquiteturais e dos achados arqueológicos dos mesmos - e o estudo dos padrões hierárquicos entre os diversos sítios, serão o cerne do trabalho. O uso de metodologias apropriadas para a análise de processos de mudança e formação de instituições político-administrativas, como a Teoria de Sistemas e os conceitos de peer polity interaction de Colin Renfrew, serão as ferramentas básicas deste projeto. Esse trabalho é um desdobramento de pesquisa desenvolvida em Mestrado realizado no MAE/USP sobre as interações entre os estados primitivos de Creta e as práticas de culto minóicas. / The Minoan Civilization of the Bronze Age Crete was one of the few european civilizations that organized its society through a palatial system. The studies about the development of the Minoan States must analyse thoroughness the administrative palatial system and the changes that have occured on it during its six centuries of functioning. In this thesis we intend to analyse the complexity evolution of the Minoan polities through the analysis of its administrative configurations. The definition of administrative sites - through the function analysis of the architectural vestiges and of its archaeological discoveries - and the study of the hierarchic patterns among the sites, will be the main point of this research. The use of usefull methodologies for the analysis of early state formation and culture change, like systems theory and the concepts of peer polity interaction, will be the basis tools of this project. This research follows research developed in the mastership done in MAE/USP about the interaction between the early states of Crete and the Minoan ritual practices.

This paper discusses the socio-economic structural causes that favored the creation of drug cartels in Colombia. This paper argues that structural causes are often neglected from research on cartels and drug trafficking and the aim of this paper is to contribute to the understanding of how new policies can be achieved that are based on the comprehension of the deep socio-economic conditions which are a part of the very structures of Colombia and their relation to the cartels. This is done with a focus on the state and the social classes, and their development throughout the Colombian history since independence. The cartels are analyzed as criminal insurgencies in order to achieve a conceptual understanding of them. This paper concludes that the incomplete Colombian state formation, together with a great amount of marginalization of the lower social classes have been decisive factors in the creation of the criminal insurgencies and consequently, that we need to rethink the current policies on the war on drugs, since the policies in place have been rather unsuccessful in blocking the development of powerful cartels, not only in Colombia but Latin America in general.

This research has analyzed how the institutions of the merit-based bureaucratic system in the Korean Government changed from 1948 to 1963, applying the gradual institutional change theory of Mahoney and Thelen (2010). Though copious research has been produced on Korean economic development, little analysis has been made on the emergence of the Korean developmental state. This research aimed to fill in the analytical gap by examining how effective bureaucratic institutions was established in the Korean developmental state to draw out implications for the institutional change theory as well as the discussion on the developmental sate and state capacity. This research has found that the merit-based bureaucratic institutions of the Korean Government positively changed in a piecemeal approach from 1948 to 1963, though once disturbed from 1955 to 1959. Contrary to the existing literature, this research also has found that the institutional setting for the merit-based bureaucracy was set from the very beginning of the Syngman Rhee Administration; however, the selective implementation and enforcement of the rules in the Syngman Rhee period hindered the Weberian bureaucracy. This research has, therefore, drawn out that for positive institutional change, the role of the change agents is critical especially the vertical chain of reformative leadership and capable practitioners. The low level of opposition is beneficial for not only positive but also negative change. In the end, in the case of Korea, the initially ambiguous institutions provided the actors with considerable discretion to manipulate or misuse rules. As a result of the institutional reform the rules and regulations became detailed reducing the gap between what the rules say and how the rules are implemented. The empirical tests of this research have confirmed the basic assumptions of the gradual institutional change theory of Mahoney and Thelen (2010). Firstly, the empirical results have shown that the institutional change has more to do with a piecemeal internal process than to do with any external shock or event. Secondly, the gap between the existence and the enforcement of an institution has also been proved valid. Thirdly, the empirical tests have confirmed the influence of three change factors producing different types of change in the theory. Based on the empirical findings, this research has identified important implications for the institutional change theory with three key areas for improvement. The first is the validity of the three modes of change in the theory. The test has identified the need to address the different magnitudes of the three factors affecting change. This research has also identified the need to clarify the definition of gradualness and the concept of the change agents to solidify the theory. This research has also enriched the discussion on the developmental state and state capacity by identifying the limitations of the merit-based institution in different contexts. Based on the analysis, this research has drawn out four key lessons for developing countries and for the donors: the importance of the enforcement of rules; the synchronized reform coalition between committed leadership and competent practitioners; the importance of understanding local contexts; and the relationship between dictatorship and development. By analyzing the emergence of the bureaucratic institutions, this research has not only broadened our understanding of development and state capacity but also presented a practical policy solution to overcome the persistent state of incapacity in the developing countries today.

This research investigates the shifting political settlements between the Ugandan state and the Bunyoro and Buganda kingdoms after the discovery of oil between 2007 and 2018. It seeks to answer the following questions using a historically, theoretically, and empirically grounded investigation: What accounts for the Bunyoro kingdom’s failure to benefit substantially from the discovery of oil on its territory? What lessons can be learnt from the Buganda kingdom’s relative success in negotiating with the central government and developing its own political and economic capacity independently of the state? The Bunyoro kingdom, located in the oil-rich Albertine Graben region of western Uganda, has failed to access significant economic benefits from the country’s emerging oil sector despite its historical ownership of the land on which the resource is found. This dissertation combines political settlements theory and the concept of extraversion to explain this empirical puzzle. It finds that the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM)’s imposition of an exclusive political settlement in Uganda, coupled with the Bunyoro kingdom’s limited holding power, accounts for the kingdom’s failure to derive financial benefits from the oil sector. The relative marginalisation of the Bunyoro from Uganda’s oil sector results from the NRM’s historical strategy of limiting the power of sub-state groups who are subsequently excluded from the governing coalition. The main beneficiaries of the oil industry in Uganda are political elites within the ruling NRM coalition and their close associates. The Buganda kingdom serves as a control case study and reveals the potential strategies and structural changes the Bunyoro kingdom could pursue to potentially bypass Uganda’s exclusive settlement and therefore benefit from the country’s nascent oil sector. This dissertation also engages with broader debates on the struggles between the state and traditional kingdoms since independence in sub-Saharan Africa and how this intersects with the politics of natural resource governance. Since the inception of the modern state in the colonial era, kingdoms have engaged in a complex and dialogic relationship of indifference, cooperation, and contention with successive governing regimes. Some of the kingdoms challenged and resisted, albeit unsuccessfully the colonial imposition of a central state primarily because it led to their loss of political and economic power. Ultimately, the state and the kingdoms represent dual forms of nationality forced to co-exist in the post-colonial era, and this produces a complex mix of cooperation, contestation and strategic coexistence. The management and exploitation of natural resources, including oil, is embedded in this political context, and is often associated with adverse outcomes, such as rent-seeking, authoritarian governance, and sectarian violence. Some of these dynamics have accompanied the emergence of Uganda’s new oil industry, with political contestation occurring between the state and the Bunyoro kingdom which has unsuccessfully attempted to capture a share of oil revenue.

No description available.

The adoption of the neo-liberal model in the mid-1980s has forced the governing elites to reconfigure the Mexican State. However, the consolidation of a neoliberal State continues to be incomplete and it has been problematic to fully integrated the Mexican economy in the global market due to the increasing organized crime, the dismantling of previous post-revolutionary control mechanisms, and the growing mobilisation of organised indigenous opposition ranging from the peaceful obstruction of hydroelectric mega-projects in their territories to armed struggle. In view of the State crisis, this thesis argues that there has been a shift in the system of control mechanisms of the State that is leaning towards a more recurrent use of open violence to implement its neo-liberal State project. From a theoretical perspective, the research proposes an innovative approach to understanding the formation of the post-revolutionary State, which transcends the State violence dichotomy established between the ´corporatist´ and the ´critical´ approaches in the contemporary literature. The research highlights the wide spectrum of control mechanisms from hegemonic domination to violence used by the governing elites to compensate the unfinished State formation process in order to maintain socio-political stability without profound structural changes. It explores the enhanced tendency of State violence to replace incorporation in Statesociety relations since the efforts to restructure the economy from the 1980s onwards. The thesis analyses how this tendency has grown particularly in response to indigenous movements in the South of Mexico. The argument is substantiated empirically with two case studies undertaken in the sub-region of Costa Chica-Montaña of Guerrero with data from 79 semi-structured interviews with a wide range of social and political actors, and participant observation in ten indigenous communities. The case studies explore the different State control mechanisms used to advance the State formation model in the post revolutionary period; the impact of the crisis of those mechanisms in the sub-region; the violent resistance of local bosses to the loss of power, and the multiples indigenous responses to the implementation of neoliberal policies in their territories. This research also includes a comparative study to explain some factors that strengthen indigenous articulations, as well as their limits in an era of neoliberal globalisation. One of the most important research findings is that neoliberalism has further weakened the ¿civilianisation¿ power of the State to deal peacefully with civil society sectors, particularly with indigenous peoples, while it has strengthened its ¿centralised-coercive¿ power to carry out the imposed State model. Another finding is that the indigenous initiatives that have reinvented themselves through a new version of their practices and broader alliances have consolidated their alternative models. In contrast, the indigenous responses that have reproduced their traditions have failed. / Marie Curie-Humcricon Fellowship

During the rule of the house of Vasa 1523-1654, Sweden saw a vastly increased output of new government heraldry and official symbols. This thesis investigates the political motives behind the creation of these symbols and their use as propaganda tools as part of the formation of the Swedish state.  Heraldry is a well-covered topic in academia in many European countries, but in Sweden it has yet to be properly integrated into historical research. This thesis covers the bigger picture by investigating the Vasa dynasty’s heraldry in its entirety in order to follow its use over time.  The thesis analyses all grants of arms to cities and nobles, as well as new royal and provincial arms. It carries out an analysis of the arms’ composition and motif, as well as charting the political context in which they were created and their role in the formation of the modern state.  The question the thesis seeks to answer is if the Vasa dynasty used heraldry as a political propaganda tool, and if so — for what purpose. The thesis uses Jaques Ellul’s categories of propaganda as a theoretical framework.  Among the key findings is the discovery that the Vasa monarchs did treat official heraldry as an integrated part of their propaganda efforts, both in conflicts with the outside world and with each other. However, the heraldic motifs of most cities and nobles, making up the vast majority of new coats of arms, were not part of those efforts.  There was also a clear shift from the agitation propaganda during the early Vasa era, to propaganda of integration as the institutions of state took form and Sweden became a regional power.