This thesis attempts to reconcile the ‘two Rwandas’ which dominate contemporary scholarship, and seem on first glance utterly incommensurable: the inspirational developmental donor darling, and the brutal police state ruled by a shadowy ethnic clique. It argues both sides capture something, but fail to give a fair assessment of the mercurial system of political order constructed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) following the Genocide of 1994. This system is a durably strong state with exceptionally high levels of societal penetration capable of delivering order and other public goods, with a ruling party in a hegemonic position with a degree of medium-term stability, despite (and because of) its illiberal repressive character. Such a system is only possible because of the extremely unusual sociology of the RPF itself, forged in the refugee camps of Uganda and the Ugandan Bush War, and the structural constraints on rule within Rwanda. With these resources, the RPF has successfully made the transition from guerilla movement to hegemonic civilian political party, created bureaucratic institutions of government which penetrate to the lowest level, and hugely profitable ‘party-statals’ which co-exist alongside functioning competitive markets. Such successes are not disconnected from the violence, repression, and extra-judicial coercion which remain crucial to the regime. Analyses which think the positive aspects of Rwanda’s current ‘miracle’ can be mimicked without the accompanying domination and autocracy are engaging in wishful thinking. Crucially, given how distinctive the enabling conditions for Rwanda’s current political dispensation are, the extent to which Rwanda can be a policy exemplar or ‘best-practice’ for other African states to follow is in any case seriously overstated.

This thesis is a theory-proposing and theory-testing study that examines the conditions of state survival in the Middle East. In contrast to the predominant Political Culture and Political Economy approaches, which focus on domestic factors to account for state survival in the Middle East, this thesis suggests that, more than the individual characteristics of states themselves, state survival in that region is a function of the anarchic state system. This thesis examines states as a ‘process’ situating them in time and place. It shows that Middle Eastern states are at once in the early phases of state formation as well as late comers to the international state system. This ontological status contributes to the vulnerability of these states to systematic forces, which in turn shapes their internal development. A major dilemma facing the late-forming state is between regime survival and political incorporation. The first part of this thesis examines the literatures on the state, the Middle East state, and state survival. The second part proposes a Historical Structuralism model and then examines the ontology of the state in the Middle East, specifying the conditions and variables of state survival. The third part presents an empirical examination of the cases of Saudi Arabia and Iraq.

Entre le début du XVIe siècle et le commencement de la guerre de Trente Ans en Lorraine, en 1633, les conditions d’exercice du pouvoir d’État se transforment profondément dans les duchés de Lorraine et de Bar : un droit écrit et des procédures judiciaires formalisées sont élaborés, un impôt permanent est créé et une armée régulière est mise sur pieds. Ces évolutions impliquent une augmentation du nombre des officiers qui composent le service du Prince, officiers dont il est possible de connaître la carrière grâce aux lettres patentes de provision en office et aux registres des comptes depuis lesquels ils sont rémunérés. Pour ces hommes, le service du Prince est l’occasion d’un enrichissement personnel et d’un avancement dans la société lorraine, aussi s’efforcent-ils d’étendre les droits de leur maître pour obtenir de lui des faveurs diverses (dons, pensions,anoblissement, érections de terres en fief noble, etc.). À mesure que le nombre et la technicité des affaires à traiter s’accroissent, le Prince laisse à ces hommes une autonomie accrue, ce qui modifie considérablement les modalités de fonctionnement de l’État ducal. / Between the first years of the 16th century and the beginning of the Thirty Years War in Lorraine, in 1633, the shape of State power is deeply transformed in the duchies of Lorraine and Bar: a written law and judicial proceedings are defined, a system of permanent taxation is established and a standing army is raised. All these evolutions implies a higher number of State officers, for whom careers in the service of the prince can be known using the letters establishing them in office as well as the account books recording the payment of their wages. For those men, the service of the prince can be a mean to get rich and to improve their social position, which is the reason why they try to extend the rights of their master, hoping that he will reward them with favours (such as bounties, pensions, letters of ennoblement, conversions of land in fiefs, etc.). As the number and the technicality of the cases involving the State raise, the prince gives to those men an increasing autonomy, which leads to a drastic change in the operating processes of the ducal State.

Syftet med undersökningen är att undersöka hur konflikter omskrivs i läromedel i samhällskunskap på gymnasieskolan. Via en kvalitativ läromedelsanalys av fyra läroböcker i samhällskunskap med inriktning mot gymnasieskolan undersöks hur konflikter definieras och vad som anses vara den föreliggande orsaken till konflikter utifrån en begreppsapparat taget ur fältet conflict resolution. De begrepp och förklaringar som undersöks är inkompatibilitet utifrån antingen territorium eller regeringsmakt samt mellanstatlig konflikt, statsbildningskonflikt och inbördeskrig. Resultatet visar att det existerar en skillnad gällande formuleringarna i de olika läroböckerna. Slutsatsen visar att både mellanstatlig konflikt och statsbildningskonflikt synonymiseras med konflikt medan inbördeskrig behandlas som ett eget begrepp. Vidare visar materialet med tydlighet på när en konflikt är grundad i inkompatibilitet gällande territorium. Konflikter grundade i inkompatibilitet gällande regeringsmakt saknar dock antingen en koppling eller en tydlig koppling till regeringsmakt. Slutsatsen som görs till följd av studien är att det undersökta materialet inte är konsekventa i sin beskrivning av konflikter. / The purpose of this study is to examine how conflicts are described in educational textbooks in social science for the upper secondary school. Via a qualitative textbook analysis of four educational textbooks in social science for the upper secondary school conflicts are examined by how they are defined and what is considered to be the cause for conflicts from a conceptual apparatus taken from the field of Conflict resolution. The concepts and explanations that are being examined are incompatibility of either territory or state and interstate armed conflict, state formation conflict, and intrastate conflict. The result shows a difference between the formulations in the textbooks. The conclusion shows how both interstate armed conflicts and state formation conflicts are being synonymized with conflict while intrastate armed conflicts are being treated as an own concept. Furthermore, the material shows with clarity when a conflict is sprung out of incompatibility of territory. Conflicts of state are however either missing a connection to incompatibility of state or the connection is unclear. The drawn conclusion following the study are that the material is not consistent in its description of conflicts.

No description available.

Using the account from the royal wardrobe as a source to discover the gift giving practices at the court of Gustav Vasa (Gustav I of Sweden), this thesis studies how material culture was part of the state formation process in 16th century Sweden. By analyzing the king’s gifts the study traces the informal networks that functioned as a base of power for the king’s reign. But it also exposes the material stuff as part of these network and thus part of that power. The thesis argues that to fully understand the political and social transformations that took place during the dynamic 16th century, it is mandatory not only to analyze the individuals who were part of that process, but also the material things they had at their disposals and how the things functioned as part of that process. The conclusion is that the king’s gift giving was due to carefully strategic considerations and part of a highly political strategy, and that the objects given acted as part in a process where – in the century to come – the aristocracy became a more distinguished group, both materially, culturally and socially.

No description available.

La réforme de la fonction publique de 1908 constitue un moment décisif dans le développement de l’appareil étatique canadien. En effet, elle rejette un système jusque-là fondé sur le favoritisme, pour introduire les principes du mérite, de l’indépendance et de la neutralité des fonctionnaires, principes qui régissent encore aujourd'hui la fonction publique canadienne. Ces changements se produisent à la suite d’une longue réflexion sur la nature de la fonction publique, amorcée au cours de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, qui trouve largement écho dans le monde anglo-américain, mais qui s’est souvent butée à l'intérêt des politiciens pour le statu quo. Même si les grandes idées de réforme de la fonction publique sont connues, voire acceptées par certains dès les années 1870, ce n’est qu’à la suite du dépôt du rapport de la commission royale d’enquête de 1907-1908 que les politiciens y acquiescent en pratique et entreprennent des changements majeurs, en 1908. Le mémoire s’intéresse plus précisément à cette commission royale d’enquête de 1907-1908 et à la réforme législative qui s'ensuit, en 1908, épisode méconnu de l'histoire politique canadienne et assez peu documenté. L’étude cherche tout d’abord à déterminer le contexte politique et idéologique présidant à la création de cette commission d’enquête, puis en examine les travaux en profondeur afin de démontrer comment ses constats et recommandations ont poussé le gouvernement canadien à réformer la fonction publique et les principes directeurs qui en guident l'action. Cela fait, nous analyserons les différents éléments de la réforme elle-même, dans le but de voir comment elle rompt avec les conceptions qu'on entretient jusque-là et comment elle s’inscrit dans un nouveau cadre idéologique, produit d’une vision libérale de l’État. / The 1908 reform of the civil service marked a turning point in the development of the Canadian State, as it rejected a system based until then on patronage and introduced the principles of merit, independence and neutrality of civil servants, principles that remain grounding forces of today’s civil service. These changes occurred after a long reflection over the nature of the civil service. Such reflection, which resonates with the Anglo-American world, took place over the course of the latter half of the 19th century, though it was often obstructed by a politically favoured status quo. Although ideas for reforming the civil service were put forward by some as early as in the 1870s, it is only with the report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry 1907-1908 that politicians were finally willing to undertake a comprehensive reform, in 1908. Our thesis focuses on this Royal Commission of Inquiry and on the legislative reform that followed, in 1908, events that have drawn little attention from political historians and are rather underdocumented. Our first aim is to explain the political and ideological context surrounding the creation of this commission. We then analyze how it came to its observations and recommendations, which in turn led the Canadian government to reform the civil service as well as its guiding principles. We then scrutinize the various elements of the reform itself, with a view to showing how it broke free from the beliefs of the time and embraced a new ideological framework, the product of a liberal vision of the State.

Cette thèse revient sur les caractéristiques des conflits armés éthiopiens contemporains(nature et manifestations) à partir d’une réflexion sur la trajectoire historique de l’État,héritier de l’empire construit par Ménélik II à la fin du XIXe siècle et dont les frontièresn’ont que peu varié depuis (hormis l’indépendance de l’Érythrée en 1993). L’expérienceimpériale est également à l’origine d’une perception de l’espace politique éthiopien entermes de « centre » et de « périphérie ». Perception qui demeure dominante au sein desétudes éthiopiennes, notamment dans l’étude de conflits perçus comme opposant le« centre » (assimilé à l’« État moderne ») à ses « périphéries » conquises durant la périodeimpériale (assimilées aux « sociétés traditionnelles »). La réflexion est donc construite àpartir de l’articulation des trois grands thèmes suivants : la formation de l’empire et del’État éthiopien, les conflits armés, et le thème centre-périphérie. Le thème centrepériphériese situe en effet au coeur des interprétations de la formation des empires etdes États. Le rapport entre ce deux thèmes (formation de l’État et thème « centrepériphérie») est ici reformulé à partir des notions de « secteur politique central » et de« secteur politique périphérique » (Coulon 1972). L’État est alors défini comme unprocessus historique produit par la formation (formelle, symbolique et cognitive) de cesdeux secteurs politiques central et périphérique. Ces deux secteurs interdépendants, dontles caractéristiques évoluent en fonction des reconfigurations économiques, sociales etpolitiques, sont à comprendre au sein d’un même ensemble produisant l’État éthiopien etson identité, sa nation.Cette thèse analyse donc le rapport entre la formation de ces deux secteurs politiques etles conflits armés en vue d’en offrir une grille de lecture renouvelée et dépassant lalecture dominante opposant le « centre » à ses « périphéries ». L’étude de trois régionsconflictuelles (Érythrée, Gambella, Afar) et de leur rapport à l’État éthiopien font alorsapparaître non plus une, mais trois grandes tendances de conflit (toujoursinterdépendantes et parfois cumulatives), à savoir : le conflit entre les deux secteurspolitiques, le conflit à l’intérieur du secteur politique central, et le conflit à l’intérieur dusecteur politique périphérique. Enfin, ce travail défend l’idée selon laquelle ces conflitsémanent d’une double crise de l’État éthiopien : une crise « de » l’État (remise en cause del’État éthiopien lui-même), et une crise « dans » l’État (remise en cause du régime et dugouvernement éthiopien, mais pas de l’État en lui-même). De cette double crise, héritéede la période impériale et qui éclot lors du Second règne d’Hailé Sélassié (1941-1974),dérivent les conflits éthiopiens contemporains. / This work deals with contemporary Ethiopian armed conflicts (nature and forms) out of areflexion on the state trajectory. The Ethiopian state is to be studied in the continuity ofthe empire built by Menelik II at the end of the XIXth century, whose borders haveremained almost unchanged since then (except the Eritrean independence in 1993). Theparticular perception of the Ethiopian political space studied in terms of “centre” and“periphery” is also embedded in this imperial period. A perception which remainscharacteristic of Ethiopian studies, considering the Ethiopian armed conflicts as opposinga “centre” (considered synonymous with “modern state”) to its “peripheries” inheritedfrom the imperial conquests (seen as “traditional societies”). The thesis is thus built outof these three following themes which represent the core of the reflexion: the Ethiopianempire- and state formation, armed conflicts, and the centre-periphery relation. In fact,the centre-periphery relation has been determinant in the theories dealing with empiresandstate-formation. Here, I aim at redefining the relationship between state-formationand the centre-periphery theories by using the notions of “central political sector” and“peripheral political sector” (Coulon 1972). The State shall then be considered as ahistorical process produced by the formation (formal, symbolical, and cognitive) of thesesectors. The sectors are dependent of each other and their characteristics derive fromconstant economic, social and political reconfigurations. They shall be considered in asame whole which produces the Ethiopian state and its identity, its nation.The thesis analyses the relationship between the formation of these two political sectorsand armed conflicts in order to rethink the dominant view considering conflicts as acentre conflicting against its peripheries. Illustrated by the study of three regions (whichhave been experiencing armed conflicts since the imperial period, i.e. Eritrea, Gambellaand Afar), and focusing on their constant and changing relations (formal or perceived)with the Ethiopian state, this work confirms the existence of three main conflict trends(interdependent and sometimes cumulative): the conflict between the two sectors, theconflict within the central sector, and the conflict within the peripheral sector. Finally, Iargue that the current Ethiopian conflicts derive from a dual state crisis: a crisis “of” theEthiopian state (the radical refusal of the state), and a crisis “within” the Ethiopian state(refusal of the regime or the government, but not the State itself). This dual crisisinherited from the imperial period took form during the second reign of Haile Selassie(1941-1974). The roots of contemporary armed conflicts in Ethiopia have to be situated insuch a crisis, and their continuation in its resilience.

This thesis examines how the law dealt with international fugitives. It focuses on formal extradition and the cross-border abduction of wanted criminals by police officers and other state officials. Debates over extradition and abduction reflected important issues of state power and civil liberty, and were shaped by currents of thought circulating throughout the imperial, Atlantic, and common law worlds. Debates over extradition involved questioning the very basis of international law. They also raised difficult questions about civil liberties and human rights. Throughout this period escaped American slaves and other groups made claims for what we would now call refugee status, and argued that their surrender violated codes of law and ideas of justice that transcended the colonies and even the wider British Empire. Such claims sparked a decades-long debate in North America and Europe over how to codify refugee protections. Ultimately, Britain used its imperial power to force Canada to accept such safeguards. Yet even as the formal extradition system developed, an informal system of police abductions operated in the Canadian-American borderlands. This system defied formal law, but it also manifested sophisticated local ideas about community justice and transnational legal order. This thesis argues that extradition and abduction must be understood within three overlapping contexts. The first is the ethos of liberal transnationalism that permeated all levels of state officials in British North America/Canada. This view largely prioritised the erosion of domestic barriers to international cooperation over the protection of individual liberty. It was predicated in large part on the idea of a common North American civilization. The second context is Canada’s place in the British Empire. Extradition and abduction highlight both how British North America/Canada often expounded views on legal order radically different from Britain, but also that even after Confederation in 1867 the empire retained real power to shape Canadian policy. The final context is international law and international legal order. Both extradition and abduction were aspects of law on an international and transnational level. As a result, this thesis examines the processes of migration, adoption, and adaptation of international law.