In recent decades international economic disputes have become ever more legalized, which in principle allows states to compartmentalize individual disputes from broader diplomatic relations. Nowhere is this more true than in the international investment regime, where private investors have been empowered to directly sue host states in international arbitration, rather than relying on their home states for diplomatic support. I challenge the standard narrative that investment protection has become "depoliticized", and reveal the persistent importance of informal commercial diplomacy in the settlement of investment disputes. I show that the US government continues to intervene diplomatically in disputes between American investors and developing country governments, despite the availability of institutional alternatives. Moreover, I argue such interventions are not primarily driven by pressure from private companies, but by government bureaucracies strategically pursuing their own interests, including advocating for investment climate reforms and demonstrating the value of commercial diplomacy to domestic constituencies. The empirical support for these claims proceeds in three stages. First, I use zero-inflated negative binomial regressions to demonstrate that American investors are more likely to file formal arbitration claims when they are less able to rely on diplomatic support, namely when the position of ambassador to the host state is temporarily vacant. Second, I provide a behind-the-scenes look at American investment protection policy using an original dataset of US diplomatic interventions in 256 investment disputes discussed in internal State Department cables released via WikiLeaks. Third, I use structured, focused comparisons in seven case studies of investment disputes to probe the particular drivers of US intervention, and show that diplomatic engagement is most likely in cases where the state itself has strong interests in intervening, rather than when private pressure compels it to do so. This thesis makes important and original contributions both to the literature on the international investment regime - which to date has broadly ignored the role of commercial diplomacy in contemporary dispute settlement - and to broader debates on the legalization of international economic disputes and the strategies firms use to shield themselves from political risks.

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

This project explores banal nationalism from a perspective where the visibility and usage of the US flag as decoration on everyday products in Sweden is problematized. In comparison with the Swedish flag which has a history of being “unwaved” because open nationalism for a long time has been thought of as vulgar in Sweden, the frequent reproduction of the US flag seems to elude a critical discussion on national expressions. The effects of using a national symbol for commercial purposes is therefore theoretically and practically researched. / <p>The full thesis contains copyrighted material which has been removed in the published version. </p>

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Coalitions in Northern Ireland have been organizing across the ethno-nationalist divide for decades. Yet, while empirical research has addressed challenges of, and potential for, organizing across ethnonationalism, the ways in which coalition members attend to their complex subjectivites have been overlooked. Using a critical, constructivist approach to qualitative research, this study of Alliance for Choice Belfast sheds light upon the impacts of attending to / overlooking difference and power dynamics. Data was collected through field research, semi-structured interviews and document analysis, and analysed through the lens of radical coalition building, along with theories that address the complexity of identities. The findings suggest that members of the coalition have created a depoliticized coalitional space in order to avoid conflict and unite around their campaign goal. This has had implications in terms of homogenizing womens experiences, overlooking elements of class privilege, and falling back into traditional practices of avoidance around controversial issues. / Theoretical, Cultural and International Studies in Education

This thesis explores the dialectical relationship between humanitarianism and neo-nationalism, as it is reified through the rhetoric of the Swedish aid organization Right Hand Aid. It initiates an inquiry of the organization and provides a new example of how humanitarianism is used for legitimizing and depoliticizing purposes. The analysis is based on research questions concerning how humanitarianism is appropriated and instrumentalized to suit the organization’s neo-nationalist agenda for ”aid on site” and against reception of refugees, and what the consequences of this rhetorical fusion are. The theoretical framework is composed of theories on humanitarianism (politics of life, utilitarian rationality and humanitarian iconography), neo-nationalism (economic chauvinism), eurocentrism and depoliticization. The bulk of the empirical material consists of written and visual sources, which is why textual analysis has constituted the main method. This has been complemented by semi-structured interviews with RHA representatives. The thesis argues that RHA’s neo-nationalist agenda is depoliticized by the appropriation of humanitarianism, which from a global perspective implies depoliticization of a primordialist, eurocentric stance towards the global flows of aid and people, hence reifying the power relationship between the global north and the global south.

Cette thèse analyse les processus de politisation et dépolitisation de films documentaires attachés à l'urbain stigmatisé et prend pour objet 42 films tournés dans les quartiers du Centre-ville Basilique à Saint-Denis et de la Joliette à Marseille entre 2000 et 2010. L'enquête s'appuie sur une série d'entretiens semi-directifs auprès des réalisateurs et d'analyses filmiques, ainsi que sur un ensemble de sources afférentes à l'activité promotionnelle ou théorique des réalisateurs. Au croisement des sociologies de l'art, du cinéma, du journalisme et des professionnels engagés, cette thèse vise à dresser les contours d'un espace documentaire en voie d'autonomisation. Elle propose une analyse des trajectoires sociales et professionnelles des documentaristes, des clivages qui le constituent et des collaborations nécessaires à la fabrique et la diffusion des documentaires. Elle est l'occasion de revenir sur nombre de représentations couramment accolées à cette pratique allant du rapport à la politique entendu au sens large, à la place accordée au réalisateur dans le processus de création et à la division entre cinéma et journalisme. En plaçant au centre les logiques de professionnalisation et les relations avec des acteurs, intervenants filmés et publics, étrangers à l'espace documentaire, ce travail reconsidère les conditions d'un engagement politique par et au travers des films. / This thesis analyzes the process of politicization and de-politicization of documentary films that focus on stigmatized urban areas. It is based on 42 films made between 2000 and 2010 in the neighborhoods of Centre-ville Basilique in Saint-Denis and La Joliette in Marseille. This research draws from open-focused interviews with directors and content analysis of the studied films, as well as of other promotional or theoretical productions by the same directors. This thesis aims at understanding the structure and logics of a “documentary world” which is gaining structural autonomy towards other social fields. At the intersection of the sociologies of art, cinema, journalism and politically involved professionals, this study analyses the ambiguous positioning of the filmmakers when it comes to taking a political stand in the light of their social and professional backgrounds, of the professional collaborations that develop around the making and distribution of the films, and of the structural divisions organizing the documentary world. This approach allows us to question several dimensions of documentary film making that are often taken for granted: from the creative power of the director and his/her place in the creative process, to the opposition between cinema and journalism, and the relationship between documentary and politics generally speaking. By placing professionalization mechanisms and the relationships that directors develop with filmed participants and the public at the center of the study, this work sheds new light on the process of political commitment by and through cinematographic productions.

The Master´s thesis describes the development of public administration-civil service and depoliticization. It is focused on the period after revolutionary year 1848 until now. During this time the state system changed. Based on that and different regulations, the thesis shows differences and same things between each other. It compares with each individual period. The thesis deals in detail with the current legislation. There are highlighted parts related to depoliticization. In the end of this thesis is the sociological survey, which shows, how feel staff of civil service about new legislation. The result is that the current legislation is important for our modern civil service, but does not make any deeper changes meantime.