This thesis examines how the law dealt with international fugitives. It focuses on formal extradition and the cross-border abduction of wanted criminals by police officers and other state officials. Debates over extradition and abduction reflected important issues of state power and civil liberty, and were shaped by currents of thought circulating throughout the imperial, Atlantic, and common law worlds. Debates over extradition involved questioning the very basis of international law. They also raised difficult questions about civil liberties and human rights. Throughout this period escaped American slaves and other groups made claims for what we would now call refugee status, and argued that their surrender violated codes of law and ideas of justice that transcended the colonies and even the wider British Empire. Such claims sparked a decades-long debate in North America and Europe over how to codify refugee protections. Ultimately, Britain used its imperial power to force Canada to accept such safeguards. Yet even as the formal extradition system developed, an informal system of police abductions operated in the Canadian-American borderlands. This system defied formal law, but it also manifested sophisticated local ideas about community justice and transnational legal order. This thesis argues that extradition and abduction must be understood within three overlapping contexts. The first is the ethos of liberal transnationalism that permeated all levels of state officials in British North America/Canada. This view largely prioritised the erosion of domestic barriers to international cooperation over the protection of individual liberty. It was predicated in large part on the idea of a common North American civilization. The second context is Canada’s place in the British Empire. Extradition and abduction highlight both how British North America/Canada often expounded views on legal order radically different from Britain, but also that even after Confederation in 1867 the empire retained real power to shape Canadian policy. The final context is international law and international legal order. Both extradition and abduction were aspects of law on an international and transnational level. As a result, this thesis examines the processes of migration, adoption, and adaptation of international law.

La réforme de la fonction publique de 1908 constitue un moment décisif dans le développement de l’appareil étatique canadien. En effet, elle rejette un système jusque-là fondé sur le favoritisme, pour introduire les principes du mérite, de l’indépendance et de la neutralité des fonctionnaires, principes qui régissent encore aujourd'hui la fonction publique canadienne. Ces changements se produisent à la suite d’une longue réflexion sur la nature de la fonction publique, amorcée au cours de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, qui trouve largement écho dans le monde anglo-américain, mais qui s’est souvent butée à l'intérêt des politiciens pour le statu quo. Même si les grandes idées de réforme de la fonction publique sont connues, voire acceptées par certains dès les années 1870, ce n’est qu’à la suite du dépôt du rapport de la commission royale d’enquête de 1907-1908 que les politiciens y acquiescent en pratique et entreprennent des changements majeurs, en 1908. Le mémoire s’intéresse plus précisément à cette commission royale d’enquête de 1907-1908 et à la réforme législative qui s'ensuit, en 1908, épisode méconnu de l'histoire politique canadienne et assez peu documenté. L’étude cherche tout d’abord à déterminer le contexte politique et idéologique présidant à la création de cette commission d’enquête, puis en examine les travaux en profondeur afin de démontrer comment ses constats et recommandations ont poussé le gouvernement canadien à réformer la fonction publique et les principes directeurs qui en guident l'action. Cela fait, nous analyserons les différents éléments de la réforme elle-même, dans le but de voir comment elle rompt avec les conceptions qu'on entretient jusque-là et comment elle s’inscrit dans un nouveau cadre idéologique, produit d’une vision libérale de l’État. / The 1908 reform of the civil service marked a turning point in the development of the Canadian State, as it rejected a system based until then on patronage and introduced the principles of merit, independence and neutrality of civil servants, principles that remain grounding forces of today’s civil service. These changes occurred after a long reflection over the nature of the civil service. Such reflection, which resonates with the Anglo-American world, took place over the course of the latter half of the 19th century, though it was often obstructed by a politically favoured status quo. Although ideas for reforming the civil service were put forward by some as early as in the 1870s, it is only with the report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry 1907-1908 that politicians were finally willing to undertake a comprehensive reform, in 1908. Our thesis focuses on this Royal Commission of Inquiry and on the legislative reform that followed, in 1908, events that have drawn little attention from political historians and are rather underdocumented. Our first aim is to explain the political and ideological context surrounding the creation of this commission. We then analyze how it came to its observations and recommendations, which in turn led the Canadian government to reform the civil service as well as its guiding principles. We then scrutinize the various elements of the reform itself, with a view to showing how it broke free from the beliefs of the time and embraced a new ideological framework, the product of a liberal vision of the State.

This dissertation is concerned with the formation of the Qazaqs in the context of the custom of political vagabondage known as qazaqlïq in post-Mongol Central Eurasia. More specifically, my study addressed the process whereby the Uzbek nomads inhabiting the eastern Dasht-i Qipchāq bifurcated into the Qazaqs and the Shibanid Uzbeks in the sixteenth century in consequence of the qazaqlïq activities led by two rival Chinggisid families: the Urusids and the Abū al-Khairids. Qazaqlïq, or the qazaq way of life, was a form of political vagabondage that involved escaping from one’s state or tribe, usually from a difficult social or political situation, and living the life of a freebooter in a frontier or other remote region. The custom of political vagabondage was by no means an exclusively post-Mongol Central Eurasian phenomenon. It existed in other places and at other times. However, it was in post-Mongol Central Eurasia that it became a widespread socio-political phenomenon that it came to be perceived by contemporaries as a custom to which they attached the specific term, qazaqlïq. During the post-Mongol period, the qazaq way of life developed into a well-established political custom whereby political fugitives, produced by the internecine struggles within the Chinggisid states, customarily fled to frontier or other remote regions and became freebooters, who came to be called qazaqs. Such Chinggisid and Timurid leaders as Muḥammad Shībānī and Temür became qazaqs before coming to power. The Qazaqs came into being as a result of the qazaqlïq activities of Jānībeg and Girāy, two great-grandsons of Urus Khan (r. ca. 1368–78), and of Muḥammad Shībānī, the grandson of Abū al-Khair Khan (r. ca. 1450–70) that resulted in the division of the Uzbek Ulus into the Qazaqs and the Shibanid Uzbeks in the sixteenth century. The Tatar and Slavic cossacks (Russian kazak, Ukrainian kozak) who appeared in the Black Sea steppe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were the products of the qazaqlïq, or cossack phenomenon. Significantly, Ukrainian cossackdom led to the formation of the Ukrainian Hetmanate, which eventually contributed to the consolidation of a separate Ukrainian identity.

This dissertation is concerned with the formation of the Qazaqs in the context of the custom of political vagabondage known as qazaqlïq in post-Mongol Central Eurasia. More specifically, my study addressed the process whereby the Uzbek nomads inhabiting the eastern Dasht-i Qipchāq bifurcated into the Qazaqs and the Shibanid Uzbeks in the sixteenth century in consequence of the qazaqlïq activities led by two rival Chinggisid families: the Urusids and the Abū al-Khairids. Qazaqlïq, or the qazaq way of life, was a form of political vagabondage that involved escaping from one’s state or tribe, usually from a difficult social or political situation, and living the life of a freebooter in a frontier or other remote region. The custom of political vagabondage was by no means an exclusively post-Mongol Central Eurasian phenomenon. It existed in other places and at other times. However, it was in post-Mongol Central Eurasia that it became a widespread socio-political phenomenon that it came to be perceived by contemporaries as a custom to which they attached the specific term, qazaqlïq. During the post-Mongol period, the qazaq way of life developed into a well-established political custom whereby political fugitives, produced by the internecine struggles within the Chinggisid states, customarily fled to frontier or other remote regions and became freebooters, who came to be called qazaqs. Such Chinggisid and Timurid leaders as Muḥammad Shībānī and Temür became qazaqs before coming to power. The Qazaqs came into being as a result of the qazaqlïq activities of Jānībeg and Girāy, two great-grandsons of Urus Khan (r. ca. 1368–78), and of Muḥammad Shībānī, the grandson of Abū al-Khair Khan (r. ca. 1450–70) that resulted in the division of the Uzbek Ulus into the Qazaqs and the Shibanid Uzbeks in the sixteenth century. The Tatar and Slavic cossacks (Russian kazak, Ukrainian kozak) who appeared in the Black Sea steppe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were the products of the qazaqlïq, or cossack phenomenon. Significantly, Ukrainian cossackdom led to the formation of the Ukrainian Hetmanate, which eventually contributed to the consolidation of a separate Ukrainian identity.

FELIX, Keile Socorro Leite. Espíritos inflamados: a construção do estado nacional brasileiro e os projetos políticos no Ceará (1817-1840). 2010. 231f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2010. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-27T15:22:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_Dis_KSLFelix.pdf: 1648419 bytes, checksum: 39c3a2df3227012e0c02612b4b8e1ebe (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-19T14:26:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_Dis_KSLFelix.pdf: 1648419 bytes, checksum: 39c3a2df3227012e0c02612b4b8e1ebe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-07-19T14:26:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_Dis_KSLFelix.pdf: 1648419 bytes, checksum: 39c3a2df3227012e0c02612b4b8e1ebe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / The present research seeks to analyze how did happen, in Ceará, the independence process and the formation of the National State. Therefore, we proposed first to investigate how did occur the political disentail of the captainship of Siará grande from the general captainship of Pernambuco in the year of 1799, and the importance of such fact both for a local bigger autonomy and for that captainship development. Beside this aspect, we analyze how did the local groups place before the Royal Family’s presence in the colony, United Kingdom from 1815, putting in relief the 1817’s movement like a first moment of displeasure with the orders and measures taken by Imperial Court which were going opposed to the local interests, mainly the North’s captainships. We discussed too the participation of Ceará in the process of independence, and in the Equator Confederation, detaching that the adherence to that movement reflected the existing divergences both in that province and in the recent country respecting to how it should ought be conducted. And l we still discuss on the movement known in historiography as Pinto Madeira’s Revolt, a movement of restoring character that has, among other motifs, the re-establishment of D. Pedro I in Brazilian’s throne after his abdication in April seven 1831. / A presente pesquisa busca analisar como se deu, no Ceará, o processo de Independência e a formação do Estado Nacional. Para tanto, nos propusemos, primeiramente, a investigar como se deu a desvinculação política da capitania do Siará grande da capitania geral de Pernambuco no ano de 1799 e a importância desse fato tanto para uma maior autonomia local como para o desenvolvimento dessa capitania. Além desse aspecto, analisamos como os grupos locais se colocaram diante da presença da família real na colônia, Reino Unido a partir de 1815, destacando o movimento de 1817 como um primeiro momento de descontentamento com as ordens e medidas tomadas pela Corte Imperial que estavam indo de encontro aos interesses locais, sobretudo das capitanias do Norte. Discutimos também a participação do Ceará no processo de Independência e na Confederação do Equador, destacando que a adesão a esse movimento refletia as divergências existentes tanto nessa província como no recente país a respeito de como ele deveria ser conduzido. E ainda debatemos sobre o movimento conhecido na historiografia como Revolta de Pinto Madeira, movimento de cunho restauracionista, que tinha, entre outros motivos, restabelecer D. Pedro I no trono brasileiro depois de sua abdicação em sete de abril de 1831.

MA (Political Science) / Department of Development Studies / This study focuses on the politics of conflict resolution, paying special attention to the role of the international community in resolving the political crisis in South Sudan. The current political crisis in South Sudan has historical connections that date back to the time when Sudan was granted independence by the British government in 1956.These historical antecedents paved the way for the current political crisis which started on December 2013. The study is guided by the International Society Theory or the English School of Thought. The wisdom of the International Society Theory affirms international obligations bestowed on the members of the international community. According to this theory response to crisis of humanitarian nature such as the South Sudanese political crisis is part of the broader debate. Qualitative methods were used in this study because the researcher because they enabled the researcher to gain deeper insights on the research problem. All guidelines regarding ethical considerations were followed in order to avoid being biased and misinterpretation of information. Data were obtained from primary and secondary sources what sources. The study concludes that despite the involvement of many external actors, the conflict is still raging on due to a numbers of reasons such as, mistrust between the conflicting parties and lack of political will to resolve the conflict. Key words: Humanitarian intervention, Conflict, Nation-Building, Coup d’état, Conflict resolution, Horn of Africa, State formation, Responsibility to protect (R2P) / NRF

In and around the 870s, Britain was transformed dramatically by the campaigns and settlements of the Great Army and its allies. Some pre-existing political communities suffered less than others, and in hindsight the process helped Scotland and England achieve their later positions. By the twelfth century, the rulers of these countries had partitioned the former kingdom of Northumbria. This thesis is about what happened in the intervening period, the fate of Northumbria's political structures, and how the settlement that defined Britain for the remainder of the Middle Ages came about. Modern reconstructions of the era have tended to be limited in scope and based on unreliable post-1100 sources. The aim is to use contemporary material to overcome such limitations, and reach positive conclusions that will make more sense of the evidence and make the region easier to understand for a wider audience, particularly in regard to its shadowy polities and ecclesiastical structures. After an overview of the most important evidence, two chapters will review Northumbria's alleged dissolution, testing existing historiographic beliefs (based largely on Anglo-Norman-era evidence) about the fate of the monarchy, political community, and episcopate. The impact and nature of ‘Southenglish' hegemony on the region's political communities will be the focus of the fourth chapter, while the fifth will look at evidence for the expansion of Scottish political power. The sixth chapter will try to draw positive conclusions about the episcopate, leaving the final chapter to look in more detail at the institutions that produced the final settlement.