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The main purpose of this case study was to explain the power game behind the mineral extraction and trade in the Democratic Republic of the Congo but also the roles of internal and external actors in that power game from the perspective of ”world-systems analysis”. The second purpose of this study was to discuss the efforts that have been made to break the link between violence and the mineral extraction and trade in the eastern provinces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from the perspective of multi-level governance. By combining the method of process-tracing and qualitative content analysis this study aimed to contribute to a deeper understanding of the phenomenon of “conflict minerals”. Multiple previous research have focused on assessing the link between mineral extraction and violence but haven’t closely discussed the role of multinational companies as power actors that represent the strongest countries in the world. This study shows that the ongoing violence in eastern Congo is all about a greater interest, the desire to control the mineral riches.

Trends shows that Sweden is about to become a surveillance society and the Swedish people are increasingly being monitored in their everyday life due to the development and advancement of technology. It can therefore be considered a social interest to study this from different perspectives. This study focuses on examining the attitude of local politicians to the Police's work on camera surveillance. In order to try to explain the attitude, it is also examined whether there is a correlation between politicians' attitude to camera surveillance and factors such as political ideology, trust and security. The empirical material was collected with the help of a questionnaire survey in which all municipal councilors and deputies in the municipality of Kumla and Hallsberg were asked to participate. From the survey, it can be concluded that the overwhelming majority of the responding local politicians are positive to camera surveillance under the auspices of the Police. Our result could not confirm a correlation between politicians' attitude to camera surveillance and factors such as political ideology, trust and security. However, when the questionnaires were studied from a new perspective, other interesting discoveries were found in the result.

In the autumn of 2015, Sweden received a record number of refugees from war-torn countries, mainly Syria and Iraq. In an attempt to gain control of the high refugee inflow, a new controversial law called the "Settlement Act" was implemented. This effort was not the first time Sweden tried to reform the settlement agenda but the legislation this time was more ambitious then before and the government and parliament intended to create evident and lasting change. This thesis examines this legislative implementation of the Settlement Act and tries to explain how external shocks affect policy change in socially responsible actors and their development. By tracking the implications of the actors, the study has been able to follow the process from the beginning of the implementation to the present. The results and integrated analysis conclude that the process of external shocks makes the actors adapt and change in relation to the new legislation. Another finding shows that there are three key ways, which an actor choose between in order to achieve change: 1) A window of opportunity opens up for the actor to act, 2) the actor has the opportunity to distance themselves from previous attitudes and change his perception and 3) that the actor does not want to change his attitude but the crisis forces the actor to change. Overall is not possible to draw any exact conclusion that actors have chosen a specific course of action, but rather that there are intermediate routes for the actors to take. Even though, this thesis and its findings strengthens the scientific research on the Settlement act implementation and its policy effects. Hence, it contributes to the understanding of one of the most debated and influential episodes of contemporary Swedish politics.

An aging population is a hot topic in these times, other studies have shown that this will have some negative consequences for our society. For an example less people will have to provide for a larger part of the population, like people in retirement age. And this change in the workforce will be a difficult task to manage. However this paper is studying a possible positive side effect of the ageing population. This paper will set out to try and examine the relation between the age structure and crime, our hypothesis is that a 70-year-old is less likely to commit a crime than a 20-year-old. If this hypothesis is true, a change in a country’s age structure should show a decrease in crime rates. To study this, this paper gathered statistics from Swedish authorities for both crime rates and its population over the time period from 1975-2018 in order to see what impact the aging population have had over crime rate. The conclusion of this paper is that we can observe a pattern of decrease in crime and an increase in the age structure, more specifically the percentage of people above the age of 65 and thus confirming our hypothesis. After we examined how much of this change the age structure can explain over the crime rates, we confirmed that it does indeed have a significant part of explaining the difference between this time period.

This study has its genesis in the general sentiment that more money invested in the public sector, equals a rise in quality. This sentiment is then put into a local business perspective, where the purpose is to examine if differences in the investments towards promoting the local business climate, does have an effect or not. The methods to distinguish the effect of the investments, was to use a variable that could show the differences in the investments, and test it against variables that could describe the effects, using a series of bivariate and multivariate regression analyses. The results of these analyses showed that there is no positive correlation between the differences in the investments and the indicators of the local business climate. Instead, there was a negative correlation, which can be interpreted as the indicators having an effect on the investments. The municipalities seem to invest more when the local business climate is on the low. In the multivariate analyses, where a control variable was used, this correlation disappeared as well, though.

In January 1921, the Swedish government voted through a proposal that women should have the right to vote in general elections. The same year five women was given a place as a member of the parliament. Now almost 100 years later, around 46 percent of the parliament are women, but the way has been difficult. In this assignment the authors will be assessing the effects from support stockings, every other seat for a woman and women's organization through the Swedish parliamentary representation of women.The assignments analysis and empirical study are based on the equivalence between different time periods in between election years 1976 to 2018. During these election years the authors have selected a few, to analyze them and their political parties based on the women's representation. The research material is based on diagrams, parliament motions and budget from the parliament's website. This study has also used the theory of power, the gender power perspective and one gender system. The parliament motions where selected through the documents related to the women's representation and where selected through a randomization. The study found out that the support stockings, every other seat for a woman and women's organizations had some extent influence on the women's representation in the parliament of Sweden. An influence that you can see as a positive change for the future. Thanks to every other seat for a woman and the support stockings, the gender equality came up on the political agenda and have increased the women's representation since 1970s.

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This study explores ideological rhetoric of members of the Swedish political parties of Social Democratic Party (S) and the Moderate Party (M). By examining the language contained in party members motions submitted to party conferences the study aims to highlight if there are any rhetorical trends within the membership of the party. The focus of the study is limited to political rhetoric regarding the European Union. The research field suggests that coalition parties such as S and M may have difficulties reaching a consensus within the wings of their own party regarding attitude towards the EU. Research also suggests that Swedish voters are motivated by points at issue rather than party loyalties, thus making the debated motions at party conferences a relevant topic. The results of the study found several rhetorical trends regarding ideology within S and M. Party members motions in S had ties both to reformistic socialism and the third way when the EU was debated during the congress of 2017. The motions containing rhetoric from the third way had greater success in gaining the approval of the congress, while reformistic socialism had lesser success. Often reformistic socialism and third way mixed together in the motions but EU-critical motions were rejected. Party members motions in M had ties both to liberalism and conservatism but the motions rarely mixed them. Both liberal and conservative rhetoric was met with equal approval at M’s congress of 2015. Motions containing nationalistic rhetoric were found in the motions of both M and S, but these motions did not achieve support at the congresses. Nationalistic rhetoric in S contained leftleaning arguments while motions from M had right-leaning rhetoric but both were critical towards the EU. This might indicate that the attitude regarding nationalism and EU within Swedish political party membership is not clearly defined by a left- or right ideological line.