The Centers for Disease Control (CDC) estimate that approximately 6.7 million or 10.9% of women in the United States, between the ages of 15 and 44 have difficulty getting or remaining pregnant and of these women 6% are considered infertile (CDC, 2012). Infertility is defined as twelve months of regular, 2015 Appalachian Student Research Forum Page 53 unprotected intercourse yielding no pregnancy. Research suggests the experience of infertility has been associated with negative psychological outcomes, such as depression and anxiety. Even more problematic is that infertility can persist for an extended period of time and have long-lasting effects on psychological distress in those who remain unable to have children. Given the negative psychological outcomes experienced by those struggling with infertility, uncovering why and how these outcomes evolve for women with infertility may simultaneously reveal points of intervention to improve outcomes. The present study is premised on the idea that examining infertility in the context of stigma may provide an explanation for the increased psychological distress reported by women experiencing infertility. In the present study, we examined stigma as a framework for understanding the negative psychological outcomes for women who experience infertility. More specifically, we examined the relationship between stigma (public and internalized stigma) and psychological distress and the mediational role of self-esteem and partner satisfaction. The sample consisted of women experiencing infertility (N > 100) who completed an online survey titled “Survey on Women’s Experience with Infertility”. The average woman in the study was 33 years of age (M = 32.8, SD = 6.74), reported being married (70%), and was Caucasian/White (86.6%) and college educated. On average, women in the study had been trying to conceive for almost three years (M= 32.71 months, SD = 12.87). Structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to assess the hypothesized relationships between public stigma, internalized stigma, self-esteem, partner satisfaction, and psychological distress. Overall the mediational model was supported, which suggests the relationship between public stigma and psychological distress may be partly explained by internalized stigma, selfesteem, and partner satisfaction. The results provide initial support for a stigma framework as an explanation for the negative psychological outcomes experienced by women struggling with infertility.

No description available.

We hypothesized that higher levels of felt or enacted stigma would be related to poorer medication adherence, and that this relationship would be mediated by indicators of HIVrelated quality of life (HIV-QOL) including medication concerns, disclosure concerns, and perceptions of health provider treatment. 98 people living with HIV (PLWH) who were all currently taking ART medications completed an online survey that included measures of demographics, HIV-related stigma, medication, and HIV-QOL. Results suggested that concerns about medication accounted for the relationship between enacted HIV-related stigma and medication adherence.

We hypothesized that HIV-related stigma would be related to poorer HIV-related quality of life (HIV-QOL) in people living with HIV (PLWH), and that this relationship would be stronger in women living with HIV (WLWH) than in men living with HIV (MLWH). 105 PLWH completed an online survey including measures of demographics, HIV-related stigma, and HIV-QOL. Results suggest that higher levels of HIV-stigma were associated with poorer HIV-QOL, and that in some cases, this relationship was stronger for WLWH than for MLWH. It is possible that WLWH have unique HIV-related experiences affecting their quality of life that are not shared by MLWH.

Stigma has a negative effect on individuals, which may include psychological distress, anxiety, and social isolation (Pachankis, 2007). Stigma can be either concealable or visible. A concealable stigma is an attribute that is not visibly apparent, but would be devalued if known by others (e.g., sexual orientation, Page 30 2014 Appalachian Student Research Forum mental illness, sexual abuse). Some believe that individuals with a concealable stigma do not face prejudice and discrimination because the stigma is not apparent to others. However, research suggests that those with a concealable stigma may feel the constant need to hide that identity or characteristic, and this may increase distress and anxiety due to the threat of discovery (Pachankis, 2007). We hypothesized that individuals with a concealable stigma will have higher levels of stigma, rejection sensitivity, distress, and anxiety as well as lower levels of self-esteem, relative to those individuals with a visible stigma. The current sample was taken from a larger study (N=408) and consist of participants (n=70) who selfidentified a stigmatizing characteristic. The self-reported characteristics were independently coded by two research assistants as concealable or visible and finally, the assistants collectively assigned the characteristics to each group. Our sample consists of 35.7% concealable (e.g., sexuality, mental illness, history of abuse) and 64.3% visible (e.g., physical appearance, physical disability, race/ethnicity). To test our hypotheses, we used an independent t test to assess the differences in levels of stigma, self-esteem, distress, anxiety, and rejection sensitivity between concealable and visible stigma groups. Results show that self-stigma (t(68)=-.798, p=.428), public stigma (t(68)=-.149, p=.882), and self-esteem (t(68)=-1.320, p=.191) do not differ between groups. By contrast, and in support of our hypotheses, those with concealable stigma reported more rejection sensitivity (t(68)=2.315, p=.024) and anxiety (t(68)=3.030, p=.003) than those with visible stigma. Contrary to our hypotheses, distress (t(68)=-2.599, p=.011) was higher for those with visible stigma than concealable stigma. Future research should be conducted to examine levels of anxiety and rejection sensitivity in individuals with concealable stigma to understand the differences among stigmatized identities and characteristics.

This study is aligned with the Institute of Medicine’s (IOM; 2011) recommendation for research to promote understanding of sexual minority health disparities. Specifically, the present study draws from two frameworks describing how stigma may manifest in negative health outcomes. First, Hatzenbueler’s (2009) model suggests mental health outcomes are influenced by group characteristics and stigma related stressors (e.g. prejudice, discrimination) that are mediated by psychological processes (e.g. coping strategies, cognitive processes) as well as group-specific processes (e.g. expectations of rejection, internalized stigma). Second, Frost’s (2011) model describes how stigma manifests as the experience of stigma (stress) as well as how intervening variables (e.g. coping strategies, meaning making) moderate health outcomes of stigma. Extending such work, this study adds to the literature explaining disparities among sexual minorities by examining multiple indicators of sexual stigma simultaneously, as they differently link to health outcomes of stress and self-reported health through psychosocial mechanisms of social support, self-compassion, and self-esteem. Moreover, this study will gauge if centrality of identity and level of “outness” plays a role in sexual minority health. Sample research questions addressed include: 1) Do different types of sexual stigma link with specific health outcomes and impaired psychosocial mechanisms? 2) Which psychosocial mechanisms are more strongly linked to health outcomes among sexual minorities? We collected data from 380 participants that self-identified as lesbian, gay, or bisexual through an online survey. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses examining sexual stigma, psychosocial resource mechanisms and health outcomes uncovered that public (p<.05) and self-stigma (p<.05) related to decreased social support, whereas discrimination (p.05) and self-stigma (p<.01) related to decreased self-compassion, and while discrimination (p<.01) and concealment (p<.05) related to decreased self-esteem. Moreover, discrimination related to both worse self-reported health (p<.05) and stress symptoms (p<.01). When psychosocial mechanisms were added sequentially to the model of health outcomes, results revealed that only decreased social support predicted worse self-reported health (p<.05). However, low levels of self-compassion (p<.001) and self-esteem (p<.001) predicted increased stress symptoms, contributing an additional 34% of explained variance in stress beyond stigma. Thus, findings revealed that differing types of sexual stigma matter for particular mechanisms that ultimately link to health outcomes, underscoring the strength in particular of sexually-based discrimination in health. Moreover, stress symptoms appeared particularly vulnerable with 53% of stress variance explained by sexual stigma, decreased resources, and identity factors such as centrality. This study also provided initial support for considering the resource of self-compassion as a mechanism in sexual minority health, which has not been examined previously in relation to sexual minorities, and which might be a target for intervention to improve health.

No description available.

Among sexual minorities, public stigma and discrimination are common experiences that can lead to self-stigma and the internalization of heterosexism. Szymansky, Kashubeck-West, and Meyer (2008) summarized previous literature, reporting that internalized heterosexism is correlated with stunted sexual identity formation, nondisclosure of sexual orientation, lower self-esteem, less social support, depression, and psychosocial distress. Importantly, it is not necessary to experience enacted stigma (i.e., discrimination) first-hand for it to have an impact on sexual minorities (Herek, 2007). All individuals, collectively, are aware of the stigmatized ways particular groups are treated, and this awareness become personally relevant once individuals hold the stigmatized identity (Link, 2001). Coping strategies and resources may therefore be of utmost importance to protecting the wellbeing of sexual minorities. This study examined self-compassion as one such resource that may serve to mitigate the negative effects of sexual stigma of the self, in particular the internalization of public stigma. Indeed, previous research suggests self-compassion may be an effective and healthy coping strategy (Allen and Leary, 2010), correlated with increased well-being, positive psychological functioning (Neff, 2003), happiness, optimism, positive affect, and wisdom, and decreased negative affect and neuroticism (Neff, Rude, & Kirkpatrick, 2007). Sexual minorities, by using mechanisms of self-compassion, may reduce the likelihood of endorsing stigma toward themselves and anticipating discrimination. Thus, we hypothesized that increased self-compassion would be linked with reduced self-stigma, internalized heterosexism, and anticipated discrimination. A large-scale and online survey of gays, lesbians, and bisexuals (n = 254; 59% female) revealed that as self-compassion increased, self-reports of self-stigma (r=-.27, p<.001), internalized heterosexism ( r=-.238; p <.001), and anticipated discrimination (r=-.14, p<.001) decreased. These findings and results of a self-compassion experimental induction study will be discussed to highlight self-compassion as a potential buffer against harmful realities of internalizing sexual minority stigma.

When dealing with issues related to their stigmatized identity, individuals may face a trade-off when deciding whether to seek social support directly. They may suffer short-term consequences in order to receive social support, or may avoid short-term consequences but suffer long-term consequences of decreased psychological well-being due to limited opportunities for social support (Kaiser & Miller, 2004; Swim & Thomas, 2006). Indeed, those who perceive stigma may avoid seeking support directly and seek social support in indirect ways (e.g., hinting, seeking support without disclosing) due to fear of rejection (Williams & Mickelson, 2008). Further, indirect support seeking is related to a lack of social support while direct support seeking is related to supportive network responses (Williams & Mickelson, 2008). The present study sought to examine one mechanism that might explain decisions to seek support directly versus indirectly. Overall, self-compassion is the extent that an individual exhibits self-kindness, recognition of a common humanity, and mindfulness. Previous research has linked self-compassion to increased well-being and positive psychological functioning (Neff, Rude, & Kirkpatrick, 2007; Neff, 2003). Thus, we hypothesized that higher levels of self-compassion would be positively related to direct support seeking and negatively related to fear of rejection, perceived stigma, and indirect support seeking. We collected data from 440 (59% female) sexual minorities through participation in an online survey. Bivariate correlations revealed that self-compassion was positively related to direct support seeking (r = .211; p < .01) and negatively related to fear of rejection (r = -.199; p < .01), perceived stigma (r = -.146; p < .05) and indirect support seeking (r = -.303; p < .001). Self-compassion may serve as a protective mechanism among sexual minorities by enhancing support exchanges.

No description available.