Objectives: To understand how and to what extent drop-in centres are associated with the physical and mental health and substance use status of street children in New Delhi. Methods: In a qualitative study, I interviewed 23 street children and two drop-in centre staff members in New Delhi. Subsequently, I conducted a cross-sectional study with 69 street children who attended centres and 65 street children who did not visit centres. I used questionnaires to assess their physical and mental health and substance use. Findings: Participants believed that because street children regularly visited drop-in centres, their health outcomes improved. Street children participated in drop-in services because staff members were nonjudgmental, they were free to be a child, their daily struggles were lessened, they received protection, they were given moral direction and they had an opportunity for a better life. However, children continued to live on the streets because street life had become normal. Quantitative findings showed that street children who visited centres had better physical and mental health outcomes and engaged in less substance use than street children who did not visit centres (p<0.01). For every month of attendance, street children experienced 2.1% (95% CI 0% to 4.1%, p=0.05) fewer ill health outcomes per month and used 4.6% (95% CI 1.3% to 8%, p=0.01) fewer substances. Street children were also less likely to have been a current substance user than a never substance user for every additional month at a center (OR: 0.79, 95% CI: 0.66 to 0.96, p=0.02). Duration of attendance was not significant in predicting mental health. Conclusion: According to participants, drop-in centres positively influence the physical and mental health and substance use status of street children by providing services in an environment tailored for them. Quantitatively, centres may improve the physical health of street children and reduce their substance use. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / Street children in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) experience poor health. Drop-in centres are one of most common interventions for street children; however, they have not been evaluated in LMICs. I aimed to understand how and how much drop-in centres influence the physical and mental health and substance use status of street children in New Delhi, India. Street children and drop-in centre staff members were interviewed about how they believed centres influenced the health and substance use habits of street children. Participants felt that drop-in centres improve children’s health and substance use habits because the centres provided services in an environment tailored for street children. I also used questionnaires to evaluate the impact of drop-in centre attendance on 69 street children who regularly came to centres and 65 street children who did not come to centres. Quantitatively, centres may improve the physical health and substance use status of street children.

Streetism is a world-wide, socio-economic problem and vulnerable children continue to migrate to the streets due to personal and contextual reasons. Attempts have been made to prevent streetism however; these interventions tend to ignore the need to recognise and incorporate the views of street children. In other words, current interventions are based on the views of adults (adultist views) working in the field of social work and psychology excepting the views of street children themselves. This is where this study is located. The study sought to explore the views of street children on how streetism can be prevented. This study was a qualitative, phenomenological study in which semi-structured focus group interviews were used as data collection methods. Twenty street children volunteered to participate in this study. All of the children fell into the category of children on the streets who still had connections with their parents and guardians. Their ages ranged between 10 and 16, and were all attending school. The following themes emerged from the data: families should be strengthened to prevent streetism, sound peer support can prevent streetism, schools can be used to prevent streetism, having access to social services can prevent streetism, churches can prevent streetism, a supportive community can prevent streetism and access to government services can prevent streetism. These findings provide insight into how, according to the views of street children, streetism can be prevented. The findings add to theory and have implications for practice. / MEd (Educational Psychology), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2014

Streetism is a world-wide, socio-economic problem and vulnerable children continue to migrate to the streets due to personal and contextual reasons. Attempts have been made to prevent streetism however; these interventions tend to ignore the need to recognise and incorporate the views of street children. In other words, current interventions are based on the views of adults (adultist views) working in the field of social work and psychology excepting the views of street children themselves. This is where this study is located. The study sought to explore the views of street children on how streetism can be prevented. This study was a qualitative, phenomenological study in which semi-structured focus group interviews were used as data collection methods. Twenty street children volunteered to participate in this study. All of the children fell into the category of children on the streets who still had connections with their parents and guardians. Their ages ranged between 10 and 16, and were all attending school. The following themes emerged from the data: families should be strengthened to prevent streetism, sound peer support can prevent streetism, schools can be used to prevent streetism, having access to social services can prevent streetism, churches can prevent streetism, a supportive community can prevent streetism and access to government services can prevent streetism. These findings provide insight into how, according to the views of street children, streetism can be prevented. The findings add to theory and have implications for practice. / MEd (Educational Psychology), North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2014

This exploratory study was inspired by the author’s voluntary work with streetconnected children and youth in Kenya. It develops an understanding of the experiences of young people leaving the street in two provincial Kenyan towns. Although there has been extensive research concerned with street-connectedness, there has been a limited focus on young people’s transitions away from the street. Participants were identified with the help of three organisations: fifty-three young people, aged 12 -28, participated in semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and visual methods, during two field research visits to Kenya, in 2012 and 2013. The study found that their experiences of leaving the street were influenced by their day-to-day interactions with family, friends and other members of the communities into which they transitioned. These interactions influenced how accepted the young people felt and the extent to which they believed they were supported economically, physically and psychosocially, especially with regards to their relationships with family members. The participants’ interactions with school-based peers and teachers were particularly important in schools and training centres, where they struggled to develop a sense of belonging. Being street-connected is an integral part of the identities constructed by young people after they leave the street and establish places for themselves in their families, schools, local communities, and wider society. Such street-connectedness can be a strength: the resilience and skills developed on the street are useful attributes in adapting to new situations, potentially providing income-generating opportunities later on. However, the stigmatisation and resulting marginalisation they experienced on the street can have lasting effects. Barriers to inclusion experienced on the street influence a young person’s ability to develop a sense of belonging to their new situation after leaving the street. This study makes a conceptual contribution. Street-connectedness begins when a young person first arrives on the street, and continues until what could be years after they leave it. This street-connectedness can be characterised by three liminalities. The first is associated with living in the physical space defined as being on the street: a physical embodiment of liminality. The second, describes the process of being in transition as a young person newly arrived on the street, or having recently left the street: each being a liminal phase. The third liminality is described by an identity-forming social space, associated with being, and having been, street-connected: a liminal identity. This liminal identity, associated with being street-connected, impacts upon young people (re)entering home communities and, in particular, education, and highlights a need to consider and address the effects of these impacts.

This is qualitative study about Kenyan street children. The aim of this study is to get a better understanding of the pull and push factors towards the street and towards rehabilitation centres. The question formulation is; How can rehabilitation centres assist street children in leaving the street life? 25 former street children have been interviewed in a combination of focus group and individual interviews. The theoretical framework that is used for the analysis is elucidation the perspective of childhood, the street child and the street, theories about socialisation and stigma. The result shows: Pull factors exist in both directions. The pull factors towards the street are freedom, friends in the streets and drug addictions. The pull factors towards the centre are access to education, a chance to be treated like full human beings and to be able to get a better future. The street children are active social agents who have to have a desire to leave the street, it is not possible to force them off the streets. What is offered in the centre has to be viewed as better than what they have in the streets. One way for the centres to help the street children to get the desire to leave the streets is by helping them to focus on their future. The centre can also help the street child to make the transformation to the centre easier. The most important aspects is to offer drug rehabilitation programs and make the re-socialization process easier by acknowledge the positive things the street children have learned in the street and to treat them as active social agents.