George Gregory wrote in his book ‘The Colonial Presents’ in defining the Post colonialism; since the last decades of the 20th century, Andreas Huyssen suggested that the ‘present future to present pasts’ became the post-colonialism, which is a whole commitment to a future that is free from colonial power, and the growth in the disposition is part of the criticism of continuity between the colonial past and present colonial rule. But they almost denied the capacities that belong to the colonial past are confirmed and activated again in the colonial present. And this is appearing in many histories of the colonialism, but post-colonialism came to distinguish from these projects or histories by the tight relation between culture and power. Building up Apartheid walls is a result to the colonial and Post colonial projects. As wall entered the political concept, we can see many built Apartheid walls through history. The Essay’s main aim is to study two selective walls; the Israeli wall in Palestine and Berlin wall, from human rights perspective, which can let readers to have fair information about those two walls, and their effects on people’s lives that live or lived beside those walls. A discussion will follow the illustrated information which I took them from many references which include direct information about those two walls. My results are that these two Apartheid walls affect and undermine people’s rights who are living beside and around those walls.

SIDA’s relief work in Bosnia aims at making the country ready for a membership in the EU where the main focus lies in the creation of a sustainable state as well as liberalizing the market to create an increased economic cooperation between Bosnia and the rest of Europe. These ambitions are closely related to the neo-liberal theory of state building which aims at creating democratic societies in line with the western democracy model, with a liberal economy constituting its base. Despite generous financial aid, the democratic and economic development in Bosnia is moving very slowly and the ethnical tensions seem to grow despite international involvement in the country. The purpose of this study is to evaluate SIDA’s present relief work in Bosnia out of a peace perspective. Possibilities and problems with SIDA’s work will be brought up and the study intends to answer whether SIDA’s work in Bosnia serves the perspective of peace. The methodological procedure consists of an analysis of the documents on SIDA’s current relief work in Bosnia and a literature study of theories concerning state building. The results of the study show that the parts of SIDA’s work in Bosnia that ground in the neo-liberal theory betweentimes undermine economic and democratic development as well as peace. Investments are made to gear Bosnia to European requirements which makes it difficult to accommodate specific Bosnian needs. In the conclusion, a more bottom-up inspired development work from SIDA is therefore suggested where the focus will be on working more from the local and civil society together with actively creating jobs in order to increase the economic development.

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The main purpose of this essay is to study the role of documentation in Swedish health care today and the consequences of the augmentations in paper work that have taken place during the last couple of decades. The method used in this study is interviews with health care personnel. The following questions are treated: -       What kind of documentation has increased in Swedish health care? -       How is the patient/health care professionals affected? -       How is the work of the health care professionals affected? The conclusion of the essay is that the increasing amount of time spent on documentation that for much part has never been performed before, (such as risk analyses, statistics and writing much more thorough charts), has consequently left very little time for actual patient care. The research also showed that faith in health care professionals has significantly decreased and that one of the major reasons for increased documenting is the anticipation of and therefore protection against potential complaints. Finally there seems to be a greater focus on being service-minded rather than on providing quality health care.

This thesis aims at studying the development of the party cohesion in the Swedish national parliament, riksdagen, after the introduction of preference voting in the election of 1998. The party cohesion has been measured during parliamentary sessions before and after the reform. The result of the cohesion during each of the sessions has then been compared towards each other. The cohesion was measured between the members of parliament viewed as a whole, and within the party groups during the different sessions. The research method being used has been a quantified statistical voting analysis, making the comparisons of party cohesion during the different parliamentary sessions as easy as possible. The main findings show an increment of the cohesion after 1998, both among the parliamentary members as a whole, and within the political parties. The result rejected the originally stated hypothesis, saying the party cohesion would decrease after the implementation of preference voting to the Swedish parliament.

Abstract For a long time Iceland, the Nordic and the EFTA countries had a skeptical attitude against the EU, even if their economic interests was in favour to join EU. The study use rationalist’s approaches to explain the willingness of these states movement to the European integrate. This thesis seeks to analyze the Icelandic way to the EU membership application, by describing earlier Nordic and EFTA member states reorientations to the EU membership. The similar experiences from Sweden, Finland and Norway compare the Icelandic case. The used method is qualitative studies of literature and the main material is overarching policy documents from the government of Iceland. To conclude the study, all countries experience security, political and economic difficulties to join an integration system. After the serious damages from the global financial crisis 2008, Iceland expected higher economic benefits. Iceland understood, it could for the future secure its economical interests by joining the EU. Iceland became less stubborn toward EU and one effect of this kindness was to act rational by launching out its eagerly awaited EU membership application.   Keywords: EU, EFTA, Iceland, enlargement, European policy, Global financial crisis

The aim of this thesis is to study the situation of minorities in Slovakia before and after the EU-membership and if EU has played a role in the situation. Also the criteria for becoming a member and other treaties regarding protection of minorities between European institutions and the accession/member states are studied. With the help of i.e. literature, relevant internet pages and yearly studies of EU, the conclusion has been made that Slovakia has made an immense change in the state’s legislation when it comes to minorities and their fundamental rights, but that changes need to be made in attitudes as well. Nationalist parties have been and still are in government and keep on disregarding EU rules, and in order to make the situation better for minorities and legislation work even in practice, the EU needs to take more action against the government than just agreements on paper.

The EU is changing. Why do we care? Because it is us, the citizens, that make up the Union. This essay attempts to answer questions on how the Lisbon treaty will affect important institutions when it comes to decision-making, namely the European Parliament (EP), the Council of Ministers and National Parliaments, in terms of democracy and legitimacy. The authors use a case study in order to describe and explain what changes the Lisbon treaty brings. The essay is based on democratic theories originating from Robert A. Dahl as well as the federalist and constitutional theories described by Karvonen. The latter theories are used to give an explanation as to where the EU is heading – will it eventually become a federation?The results show that the Lisbon treaty will have positive effects on democratically elected institutions such as the EP and national parliaments, as the treaty enhances their power of decision. Results also prove that the EU show more and more traits of a federal state, as attempts to finalize a constitutional document which would make the Union more “glued” together have been made. These attempts are visible in the Lisbon treaty and their implications facilitate the Union becoming a federation. The authors draw some important conclusions from these results. They find that a strengthened European Parliament as well as strengthened National Parliaments will increase democracy within, as well as the legitimacy of, the Union. They also find important aspects in the new treaty pointing towards a development into a federal state. There seem to be a will amongst politicians to strengthen the unification and as the Lisbon treaty started out being a constitutional document, the authors conclude that the EU leans toward a federal order, however, not in the near future.

This essay analyses the national standard for maintenance aid and if it´s compatible with the standards set in the government mould. As new-liberal ideas get more scope in the Swedish policy the analyses focus consisted in seeing about the social contribution been changed, and if the standards in the government mould have lost their worth. The national standard is not edified on the basis of subsistence levels, but becomes paradoxical when numbers of welfare recipients is the measure used in order to measure poverty, concurrent as the government mould aims to protecting every citizen’s welfare. The study analyses a type of society that has emerged during a period of time. In a normative analysis concepts are set in relation to each other where, the analysis presents standards that are vague. If the standards in the government mould are presented as something valuable and get their worth back in the policy, perhaps also the citizen´s in Sweden change attitude to poverty and welfare contribution.    Social- liberalism justifies social contribution and the welfare State, while new-liberalism has other opinions about what redistribution should contain. An important knowledge to present as Sweden is moving towards more new-liberalistic values.

There is a widespread belief among many researchers that Islam and secularization is incompatible. Obviously, in the Eastern world and in Muslim countries in particular, the problematic relationship between religion and democracy is still shows itself intensively. The current lack of democracy in most Muslim countries derives in part from this mindset contending that Islam is incompatible with secularization. So the application of concept “secularization” to studies of the Muslim countries Middle East has often been more problematic than enlightening. The present study continues the discussion of the compatibility of secularization and Islamic religion bringing to the fore the case of modern Turkish politics. By considering the possible ways of how secularization can emerge and survive in a predominantly Muslim society, the study demonstrates the state-religion interaction in Turkey. The thesis examines how the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the rise of Turkish nationalism decreased religious authority which led to the emergence of secularization. It shows that western institutions played a crucial role in survival of secularization. Later it discusses the reasons of revival of religion and survival of secularization in Turkish politics. The main purpose is to present Turkey as a case in support of the argument concerning the coexistence of Islam and secularization.