Abstract not available.

Abstract not available.

This thesis focuses on the power struggle between Mobutu's administration and the Catholic Church as it played out in the realm of education. In particular, it focuses on how state ideology, meaning authenticity and Mobutism, pervaded education through textbooks and teaching materials in 1970s Zaire and how the Catholic Church attempted to resist state ideology through education as well. Discourse analysis was used to determine how state dogma and Church opposition were disseminated to youth via educational materials. Furthermore, I examine how and why youth responded to this power struggle through the examination of painting, music and literature created by the 1970s cohort as they aged. Again, discourse analysis is used to understand the meanings conveyed through the art. Youth, I argue, have rejected Mobutu and his ideologies and remain uncertain, perhaps even suspicious, of the Catholic Church's role in Zaire (Democratic Republic of the Congo).

As a recipient of Official Development Assistance (ODA), the Republic of Zambia is considered one of the aid-dependent nations in Sub-Saharan Africa. Development assistance has been said to have had made absolutely no contribution to economic growth and development in the country on observation of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita figure over the years which indicates periods of stagnation in growth despite ODA receipts. Generally, this conclusion has in the past been drawn without consideration for, and appreciation of, the variations in the objectives and disbursement channels of ODA. Consequently, this study sought to investigate the separate impact of multilateral and bilateral ODA on GDP per capita which served as a proxy for economic growth and development in Zambia. Based on a modified neo-classical economic growth model that incorporates multilateral and bilateral ODA as determinants of economic growth, this study employed the ARDL model to investigate the long-run and short-run relationship between GDP per capita and ODA from 1975 to 2016. Two similar growth models were analysed substituting the net ODA variable with multilateral and bilateral ODA in order to assess the relationship. In addition to net ODA, the model included the variables investment, trade openness and the labour force as determinants of economic growth. Findings from the study show that multilateral ODA had a significant negative impact on GDP per capita, while the bilateral ODA model showed a statistically insignificant negative relationship. The findings of the study support the notion that different types of foreign aid cannot be expected to have a uniform impact on growth and development in terms of effectiveness. The recommendations point to the importance of re-evaluation of modalities by donors to ensure that development assistance is more effective in achieving sustainable development goals.

Please read the abstract in the 00front of this document. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Economics / unrestricted

Does allocating large amounts of international aid specifically for fighting HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa have an influence on mortality rates in this region? This paper explores the relationship between total Official Development Assistance and Official Development Assistance earmarked for HIV/AIDS with AIDS mortality and overall mortality within Sub-Saharan Africa between 2000 and 2006. There are no definitive findings from this study to conclude that the amount of any form of assistance aid has a positive or negative effect on mortality. The results suggest that focusing on establishing greater development and less government corruption would more effectively alleviate the high mortality rates in Sub-Saharan Africa than increasing funding for HIV/AIDS.

Yes / As the world is transitioning to a low carbon economy, there are various energy issues that have arisen not only in the developing world but also the developed world. These rotate around the energy access, energy poverty and energy security challenges that must be addressed in different countries. The crucial role of energy in our everyday lives can no longer be underestimated. Energy is used in our homes for cooking, lighting. It is also used in hospitals, industries and other sectors of the economy. Despite of this, hundreds of millions of people still lack even basic access to modern energy such as electricity, natural gas, and liquefied natural gas (LNG) for lighting and cooking, respectively. In the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) region for instance, over 600 million people lack access to modern energy. For the developed world like the United Kingdom, in recent years they have been struggling with energy poverty challenges, specifically, issues of affordability, as most people have been finding it hard to pay for the energy bills. Despite these energy challenges, there have been debate to limit the reliance of certain types of energy such as fossil fuels, which are considered to be the main contributor to Greenhouse Gas Emissions (GHE), that are associated with climate change. This book chapter therefore, is intended to explore the energy access challenges in SSA, and analyse the effectiveness of the energy transition initiatives. The chapter will also draw more attention to the realities of the energy progression dialogue in both the global north and global south. / The full-text of this book chapter will be released for public view at the end of the publisher embargo on 27 Mar 2026.

No description available.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This is a theoretical study that appraises the nature and dimensions of Sub-Saharan Africa's (SSA's) political economy and the forces that underpin them, using a Coxian framework of analysis. Since 2000 the nature of SSA's political economy has been changing. Emergent trends and shifts in the region‟s political economy, including strong economic growth performances and increasing South-South cooperation, appear in contradiction to a dependent and conflict ridden depiction portrayed by most literature on SSA. From a Coxian perspective, it is contended in this study that these changes in SSA's political economy have arisen because of systemic changes occurring in the international system. At the same time, the study acknowledges that SSA's political economy is infused with dependence that can be identified through exploring the historical context of the twentieth century that shaped it. The majority of scholarly literature written on SSA has focused on humanitarian crises, poverty, war, corruption and conflict. In addition, mainstream International Relations (IR) and International Political Economy (IPE) theory largely overlook SSA. The majority of those that explore SSA's place in world politics have failed to contextualise SSA's position within the context of structural changes occurring in the international system. This has resulted in mainstream IR and IPE paradigms being inadequate to provide explanations for emergent trends in SSA's political economy. Exploration and analysis of mainstream IR and IPE theories and Africa's epistemological and ontological requirements directed the study towards selecting a narrowed Coxian Critical Theory (CCT) framework to further explore SSA's political economy. Using the CCT theoretical tools of 'historical structures' and 'hegemony' in the international system, the study explores: What have been the key trends prevalent in SSA’s political economy from 2000-2011 and how have these been shaped by structural changes in the international system? Does the nature of SSA’s political economy between 2000 and 2011 give scope for SSA’s conditions of dependence to alter? A historicised approach in line with CCT allows for exploration of SSA's conditions of dependence through identifying the key ideas, institutions and material capabilities pertinent to SSA's political economy in the twentieth century. The main trends of SSA's political economy from 2000 to 2011 include: a resilient economic and political performance in the face of the financial crisis of 2007 to 2010; increasing engagement with emerging powers resulting in being typified as the 'swing continent'; and different ideas and new approaches with regards to development thinking and the role and nature of institutions. These trends have been highly influenced by the structural change in relative material capabilities from traditional to emerging powers during this decade. The specific use of CCT as a framework has provided the means to analyse the fluid interactions between the key forces in SSA's political economy and the international system, allowing analysis of the possibility of SSA's conditions of dependency to alter. However, this is contingent on factors such as the desire of African leaders and policymakers to end the conditions of dependence. The study identifies the scope and limitations of Coxian analysis for understanding trajectories in SSA's political economy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie is 'n teoretiese studie wat die aard en die omvang van sub-Sahara Afrika (SSA) se politieke ekonomie en die kragte wat dit beïnvloed ondersoek, deur gebruik te maak van 'n Coxiaanse (Coxian) ontledingsraamwerk. Sedert die jaar 2000 het die aard van SSA se politieke ekonomie begin verander. Verskuiwings en tendense in die streek se politieke ekonomie, insluitende sterk ekonomiese groeisyfers en 'n toename in Suid-Suid samewerking, strook nie met die beeld van 'n afhanklike en geweld geteisterde gebied wat dikwels in die literatuur oor SSA verskyn nie. Hierdie studie voer aan, vanuit 'n Coxiaanse oogpunt, dat sulke veranderinge in SSA se politieke ekonomie hul oorsprong het in sistemiese verskuiwinge in die internasionale bestel. Terselfdertyd, word dit aanvaar dat SSA se politieke ekonomie wel aspekte van afhanklikheid toon, veral wanneer die 20ste eeu in oënskou geneem word. Meeste akademiese literatuur oor SSA plaas die fokus op humanitêre krisisse, armoede, oorlog, korrupsie en konflik. Daarbenewens het hoofstroom Internationale Betrekinge (IB) en Internasionale Politieke Ekonomie (IPE) hoofsaaklik SSA oor die hoof gesien, terwyl dié wat SSA se plek in die internasionale sisteem ondersoek, dikwels daarin faal om SSA se posisie in die konteks van strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale stelsel te ontleed. Dit het IB en IPE paradigmas tot gevolg wat onvoldoende is om ontluikende tendense in SSA te verklaar. Daar is dus tekortkominge in hoofstroom IB en IPE teorieë. Terselfdertyd stel ontleding van SSA epistemologiese en ontologiese vereistes. Derhalwe gebruik hierdie studie 'n nouCoxiaanse Kritiese Teoretiese (CKT) raamwerk om SSA se politieke ekonomie dieper te ondersoek. Deur gebruik te maak van CKT se teoretiese gereedskap, historiese strukture en hegemonie in die internasionale stelsel, ondersoek die studie die volgende vraag: Wat is die belangrikste tendense wat voorkom in SSA se politieke ekonomie vanaf 2000-2011 en hoe is hierdie tendense gevorm deur die strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale stelsel? Ook, bied die aard van SSA se politieke ekonomie tussen 2000 en 2011 ruimte vir SSA se omstandighede van afhanklikheid om te verander? 'n Gehistoriseerde aanslag in lyn met CKT maak voorsiening vir die verkenning van SSA se omstandighede van afhanklikheid deur die identifisering van die belangrikste idees, instellings en materiële vermoëns wat betrekking het op SSA se politieke ekonomie in die twintigste eeu. Van die hoof tendense in SSA se politieke ekonomie tussen 2000 tot 2011 sluit in: sterk ekonomiese en politieke prestasie ten spyte van die finansiële krisis van 2007-2010; toenemende betrokkenheid deur opkomende magte wat daartoe lei tot Afrika bekend te staan as die 'swaai kontinent'; en, nuwe begrippe en idees oorontwikkeling, sowel as oor die rol en aard van instellings. Hierdie tendense is sterk beïnvloed deur strukturele veranderinge die afgelope decade in die relatiewe én materiële bevoegdhede van tradisionele en ontluikende magte. Die gebruik van CKT laat ontleding van die wisselwerking tussen sleutelmagte in SSA se politieke ekonomie toe, wat gevolglik ook analise van potensiële verandering in SSA se afhanklikheid moontlik maak. Of afhanklikheid wel beeindig sal word, hang onder meer af van die bereidheid van Afrika-leiers en beleidmakers om daad by die woord te voeg. Die studie bepaal die bydrae en beperkinge van Coxiaanse analise vir 'n begrip van die trajek wat SSA se politieke ekonomie inneem.

<p>Pastoralists (nomadic herders) live throughout the arid and semi-arid areas of Kenya, where they have historically been marginalized, with little development and security. Continuing traditions of cattle rustling and ethnic violence present significant barriers to development, and external peacebuilding efforts achieve limited results in such conflicts. A uniquely pastoralist grassroots peacebuilding process emerged to address pastoralist conflict, which generated sustainable peace in Laikipia yet was never studied. A review of extant literature conducted for this dissertation led to the conclusion that the peacebuilding field does not sufficiently study such grassroots volunteer peacebuilding, and support for such efforts is hampered by Western teleological approaches that have limited capacity to deal with emergence and complexity. This dissertation addresses these deficiencies by enhancing understanding and utilization of emergent peacebuilding in Kenya?s pastoralist cultures. In this study, Kenya Pastoralist Network and Mediators Beyond Borders?Kenya Initiative co-researchers collaboratively developed a participatory action research (PAR) project focused on a 2009 peacebuilding effort known as the Laikipia Peace Caravan (LPC). The dissertation explored how effective and sustainable grassroots peacebuilding emerges in pastoralist cultures. The PAR approach was utilized to support pastoralists in empowering themselves regarding the ways in which their neotraditional peacebuilding works, and how it can become more sustainable. Multi-ethnic co-researchers engaged in study design, data collection, inquiry and qualitative analysis, conducting semistructured multilingual interviews with 49 diverse Laikipia community members, officials and LPC professionals. Archival research was collected from a range of sources. This study found that effective and sustainable pastoralist peacebuilding emerged from expansive utilization of diverse pastoralist social networks, cycles of learning and adaptation, integration of practical wisdom and cultural sensitivities, and systemic transformation of transactional, attitudinal and structural societal domains through dialogue processes, modeling and grassroots self-organization. The dissertation outlines and provides evidence for a novel conceptual framework, emergent peacebuilding design, which involves a multidimensional systemic approach to peacebuilding that emerges from social networks, embraces diversity and complexity, is inclusive of traditional methods, and adapts as necessary to meet changes in context and process.