The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on March 23, 2010). Thesis advisor: Dr. Stephen Quackenbush. Includes bibliographical references.

Utilising the Grounded Theory Research Method, this study identified a range of open, axial and selective codes, through a literature review, which resulted in the formulation of a proposed theory of how war economies are formed and maintained. Based on the theoretical proposition of the proposed theory, a policy framework for dismantling such war economies was also developed and presented. The proposed theory of war economies essentially argues that war economies are formed in post-colonial sub-Saharan Africa because of the existence of an artificial state. The existence of an artificial state is ascribed to the emerging legacies of colonial state formation processes, which created failed state entities which are unable to produce public goods for all its citizens because of its inability to maintain a monopoly of violence whilst maintain full administrative control over its territory. This inability results in an increase in the vulnerability of state and non-state actors. In response to these vulnerabilities, both state and non-state actors established a range of parallel political, economic and military structures. These structures in turn made use of both network and resource capacities to create an environment where politics are economised and conflict is commercialised, in order to mitigate the impacts of state failure and the inability to produce public goods. The result of the creation of an environment where politics are economised and conflict is commercialised, is the creation of incentives, structures and processes to ensure that conflict and associated conditions of instability are sustained in order to ensure primitive accumulation of wealth and resources. Based on the core theoretical proposition of the proposed theory, the study also presents a broad policy framework for dismantling war economies. In broad terms the framework proposes an integrated state-building process, based on a range of policy mechanisms aimed at maintaining a monopoly over violence, increasing administrative control, dismantling conflict networks and ensuring effective and efficient resource management.

This research deals with achieving and maintaining price stability in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) through the practice of monetary-policy transparency (MPT). On the one hand, MPT refers to a monetary strategy whereby the central bank is insulated from political influence and made accountable to society through disclosure of its policies, procedures, economic models, data and forecasts, operations and political practices (such as objectives, personnel independence, and the like). On the other hand, price stability refers to achieving and maintaining low and stable levels of inflation conducive for long-term planning and poverty alleviation. The primary objective of this research was to investigate MPT in SSA as it represents a powerful means whereby economic agents’ expectations may be coordinated and managed by the central bank to achieve its societal, objective function of low inflation. The empirical evidence shows that, first, a dependent central bank is more likely to slip into hyperinflation. Second, a SADC (2008) model central bank law is not independent enough to be used as a benchmark for any central bank or as a charter for a regional central bank. Third, the degree of central bank independence in SSA is relatively lower than that in industrialised economies. Fourth, the determinants of MPT in SSA are trade openness, and financial depth that are important factors influencing policy-makers to adopt monetary-policy transparency. Fifth, MPT is associated with a decline in the inflation rate. Sixth, MPT had no significant effect on economic output, whilst trade openness was positively associated with real GDP.

Continued debates on economic development, poverty eradication and the growing skeptism concerning the paradigms proposed through many decades, has led to a continued search for a paradigm that would, finally, resolve the issue of pervasive poverty in the Sub-Saharan Africa. Having implemented decentralization within government entities without any significant contribution to poverty eradication, the focus has now turned to the development agencies themselves. What are the inefficiencies in these agencies which if addressed might enable them deliver development aid more efficiently thus, providing more resources for development from being lost in the attrition of overheads? It is, therefore, argued that decentralization of development agencies will improve the efficiency and effectiveness of IFIs in delivering development aid. At the same time, decentralization reforms have been proposed as a response to the failures of highly centralized states (or organizations in this case). Empirical evidence, strongly, suggests that physical proximity and more "face-time", promotes better results-on-the-ground, delivered by staff who are better attuned to local conditions and have a better understanding of the client and their development agenda. But, will decentralization alone solve the issue of pervasive poverty? This research recognises that the factors affecting poverty are diverse and intricate and isolating just one part of the puzzle is not enough. Nevertheless, it is argues that decentralization, has a positive impact on poverty reduction thus, this study presents both practical and theoretical considerations from which policy measures can be derived. This thesis focused on establishing how the World Bank, changed its strategies through the implementation of decentralization of its operations as proposed in the ‗Strategic Compact‘, renewed the way it worked in order to maintain its relevance in the development world. The World Bank President, James Wolfensohn, proposed the Compact as a solution to the organization‘s self diagnosis that it was in distress, in a state of possible decline and was not fulfilling its mission of poverty eradication. This research, using Uganda Country Office as a case study, undertook, mainly, a qualitative review of the overall strategy of decentralization and its implementation organization wide and specifically, in Uganda. The research examined how the implementation of the strategy impacted on poverty trends in Uganda. This research found that the decentralization strategy was, fundamentally, the right one to deliver better results of the Bank‘s mission of ‗fighting poverty for lasting results‘ and its vision of ‗A World Free of Poverty‘. Contrary to the popular notion that the World Bank has been, largely ineffective in the delivery of its mission and its decentralization strategy just another one of its 'shams‘, this research established that the implementation of the strategy, although not having a direct or causal relationship, did have positive impact on poverty alleviation in Uganda. This study, therefore, makes a case for decentralization of donor organizations as a means of better delivery of the poverty eradication agenda in the developing world. The benefits though hard to measure in monetary terms are, nevertheless, real in terms of faster and better quality engagement with the clients which in turn, result into better delivery of services and programmes.

The purpose of this research is to describe the role of human rights lawyers in a rights based approach to poverty reduction in Sub-Saharan Africa. The objective is to inform these role players of their proper functions and powers in using human rights regime to fight poverty in the region. / Mini Dissertation (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervison of Dr Christopher Mbazira, of the Community Law Centre, Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This is a theoretical study that appraises the nature and dimensions of Sub-Saharan Africa's (SSA's) political economy and the forces that underpin them, using a Coxian framework of analysis. Since 2000 the nature of SSA's political economy has been changing. Emergent trends and shifts in the region‟s political economy, including strong economic growth performances and increasing South-South cooperation, appear in contradiction to a dependent and conflict ridden depiction portrayed by most literature on SSA. From a Coxian perspective, it is contended in this study that these changes in SSA's political economy have arisen because of systemic changes occurring in the international system. At the same time, the study acknowledges that SSA's political economy is infused with dependence that can be identified through exploring the historical context of the twentieth century that shaped it. The majority of scholarly literature written on SSA has focused on humanitarian crises, poverty, war, corruption and conflict. In addition, mainstream International Relations (IR) and International Political Economy (IPE) theory largely overlook SSA. The majority of those that explore SSA's place in world politics have failed to contextualise SSA's position within the context of structural changes occurring in the international system. This has resulted in mainstream IR and IPE paradigms being inadequate to provide explanations for emergent trends in SSA's political economy. Exploration and analysis of mainstream IR and IPE theories and Africa's epistemological and ontological requirements directed the study towards selecting a narrowed Coxian Critical Theory (CCT) framework to further explore SSA's political economy. Using the CCT theoretical tools of 'historical structures' and 'hegemony' in the international system, the study explores: What have been the key trends prevalent in SSA’s political economy from 2000-2011 and how have these been shaped by structural changes in the international system? Does the nature of SSA’s political economy between 2000 and 2011 give scope for SSA’s conditions of dependence to alter? A historicised approach in line with CCT allows for exploration of SSA's conditions of dependence through identifying the key ideas, institutions and material capabilities pertinent to SSA's political economy in the twentieth century. The main trends of SSA's political economy from 2000 to 2011 include: a resilient economic and political performance in the face of the financial crisis of 2007 to 2010; increasing engagement with emerging powers resulting in being typified as the 'swing continent'; and different ideas and new approaches with regards to development thinking and the role and nature of institutions. These trends have been highly influenced by the structural change in relative material capabilities from traditional to emerging powers during this decade. The specific use of CCT as a framework has provided the means to analyse the fluid interactions between the key forces in SSA's political economy and the international system, allowing analysis of the possibility of SSA's conditions of dependency to alter. However, this is contingent on factors such as the desire of African leaders and policymakers to end the conditions of dependence. The study identifies the scope and limitations of Coxian analysis for understanding trajectories in SSA's political economy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie is 'n teoretiese studie wat die aard en die omvang van sub-Sahara Afrika (SSA) se politieke ekonomie en die kragte wat dit beïnvloed ondersoek, deur gebruik te maak van 'n Coxiaanse (Coxian) ontledingsraamwerk. Sedert die jaar 2000 het die aard van SSA se politieke ekonomie begin verander. Verskuiwings en tendense in die streek se politieke ekonomie, insluitende sterk ekonomiese groeisyfers en 'n toename in Suid-Suid samewerking, strook nie met die beeld van 'n afhanklike en geweld geteisterde gebied wat dikwels in die literatuur oor SSA verskyn nie. Hierdie studie voer aan, vanuit 'n Coxiaanse oogpunt, dat sulke veranderinge in SSA se politieke ekonomie hul oorsprong het in sistemiese verskuiwinge in die internasionale bestel. Terselfdertyd, word dit aanvaar dat SSA se politieke ekonomie wel aspekte van afhanklikheid toon, veral wanneer die 20ste eeu in oënskou geneem word. Meeste akademiese literatuur oor SSA plaas die fokus op humanitêre krisisse, armoede, oorlog, korrupsie en konflik. Daarbenewens het hoofstroom Internationale Betrekinge (IB) en Internasionale Politieke Ekonomie (IPE) hoofsaaklik SSA oor die hoof gesien, terwyl dié wat SSA se plek in die internasionale sisteem ondersoek, dikwels daarin faal om SSA se posisie in die konteks van strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale stelsel te ontleed. Dit het IB en IPE paradigmas tot gevolg wat onvoldoende is om ontluikende tendense in SSA te verklaar. Daar is dus tekortkominge in hoofstroom IB en IPE teorieë. Terselfdertyd stel ontleding van SSA epistemologiese en ontologiese vereistes. Derhalwe gebruik hierdie studie 'n nouCoxiaanse Kritiese Teoretiese (CKT) raamwerk om SSA se politieke ekonomie dieper te ondersoek. Deur gebruik te maak van CKT se teoretiese gereedskap, historiese strukture en hegemonie in die internasionale stelsel, ondersoek die studie die volgende vraag: Wat is die belangrikste tendense wat voorkom in SSA se politieke ekonomie vanaf 2000-2011 en hoe is hierdie tendense gevorm deur die strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale stelsel? Ook, bied die aard van SSA se politieke ekonomie tussen 2000 en 2011 ruimte vir SSA se omstandighede van afhanklikheid om te verander? 'n Gehistoriseerde aanslag in lyn met CKT maak voorsiening vir die verkenning van SSA se omstandighede van afhanklikheid deur die identifisering van die belangrikste idees, instellings en materiële vermoëns wat betrekking het op SSA se politieke ekonomie in die twintigste eeu. Van die hoof tendense in SSA se politieke ekonomie tussen 2000 tot 2011 sluit in: sterk ekonomiese en politieke prestasie ten spyte van die finansiële krisis van 2007-2010; toenemende betrokkenheid deur opkomende magte wat daartoe lei tot Afrika bekend te staan as die 'swaai kontinent'; en, nuwe begrippe en idees oorontwikkeling, sowel as oor die rol en aard van instellings. Hierdie tendense is sterk beïnvloed deur strukturele veranderinge die afgelope decade in die relatiewe én materiële bevoegdhede van tradisionele en ontluikende magte. Die gebruik van CKT laat ontleding van die wisselwerking tussen sleutelmagte in SSA se politieke ekonomie toe, wat gevolglik ook analise van potensiële verandering in SSA se afhanklikheid moontlik maak. Of afhanklikheid wel beeindig sal word, hang onder meer af van die bereidheid van Afrika-leiers en beleidmakers om daad by die woord te voeg. Die studie bepaal die bydrae en beperkinge van Coxiaanse analise vir 'n begrip van die trajek wat SSA se politieke ekonomie inneem.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study analyses the implications of financial liberalisation programme for international remittance inflows with regard to the macroeconomic determinants and also the implications of remittances for economic growth and development in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) between 1980 and 2009. The methodological approach to the analytical framework of this study is based on the hypothesis that financial liberalisation causes higher inflows of international migrant remittances through official channels to augment the scarce domestic financial resources, and to stimulate economic growth for sustainable development in capital-constrained SSA. Prior to the macroeconometric analyses, the study addressed definitional and measurement issues on international remittances and financial liberalisation, and provided an overview of the macroeconomic policy environment in post-independent SSA, as well as the magnitude and the trends in remittances received by SSA relative to other developing economies. First, the system Generalised Method of Moment (GMM) for dynamic panel-data estimation was used to determine the macroeconomic factors responsible for the changing trends in remittance inflows. Then an inquiry into the impact and causal effects of financial liberalisation on international remittance inflows in SSA following the static panel-data modelling and panel Granger non-causality estimation procedures was undertaken. Following this, the system GMM was further employed to examine the impact of remittances on long-run economic growth, and the effects of remittance inflows on economic development in SSA. Essentially, the economic development indicators considered in this study are poverty, income inequality, labour market outcomes, human capital development, and financial development. It is revealed in this study that the most appropriate measure of international migrant remittances is the sum of “workers‟ remittances” and “compensation of employees” excluding “migrant transfers”. Using remittances per capita, which the study found to be the best proxy for remittances per migrant rather than the commonly used remittances as a percentage of GDP, it is shown that SSA is the least recipient of official migrant remittances in the world, with no SSA country receiving remittances worth US$1 per day. This study further establishes that the macroeconomic factors that influence remittance inflows in SSA have varying rather than static impact in response to changing macroeconomic policy environment. Also, macroeconomic factors have different influences on attracting remittances from abroad in relation to migrant duration status – permanent or temporary. Although financial liberalisation Granger-causes international remittances, not sufficient evidence exists that a significant proportion of the official remittances received in SSA passes through the banking system. Besides, the extent to which financial liberalisation can Granger-cause and/or positively impact on international remittance inflows in SSA is directly and ultimately conditional to the macroeconomic fundamentals of the remittance-receiving SSA country. It was also found out that generally, international migrant remittances propel higher economic growth in SSA, with greater impact on SSA countries with relatively higher growth rates. International remittance inflows have significant positive developmental impact, with no sufficient evidence of moral hazard effects. Overall, international remittances contribute to reducing poverty and unemployment but not necessarily income inequality and, at worse, remittances have no significant impact on labour productivity and participation in SSA. Higher remittance inflows promote human welfare, educational attainment, life expectancy, and financial development in SSA. With the exception of educational attainment, the developmental effects of remittances vary across countries, depending upon the level of economic development.