Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of New Mexico, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-183).

Within the next decade India is expected to surpass China as the world's most populous country due to still higher fertility and a younger population. Around 2025 each country will be home to around 1.5 billion people. India is demographically very heterogeneous with some rural illiterate populations still having more than four children on average while educated urban women have fewer than 1.5 children and with great differences between states. We show that the population outlook greatly depends on the degree to which this heterogeneity is explicitly incorporated into the population projection model used. The conventional projection model, considering only the age and sex structures of the population at the national level, results in a lower projected population than the same model applied at the level of states because over time the high-fertility states gain more weight, thus applying the higher rates to more people. The opposite outcome results from an explicit consideration of education differentials because over time the proportion of more educated women with lower fertility increases, thus leading to lower predicted growth than in the conventional model. To comprehensively address this issue, we develop a five-dimensional model of India's population by state, rural/urban place of residence, age, sex, and level of education and show the impacts of different degrees of aggregation. We also provide human capital scenarios for all Indian states that suggest that India will rapidly catch up with other more developed countries in Asia if the recent pace of education expansion is maintained.

Doctor Legum - LLD / South Africa continues to experience one of the highest crime rates in the world. Crime is unevenly distributed, and the police are not trusted by the majority of citizens. The power and responsibility for policing lies with the national government, through South Africa’s negotiated constitutional framework. Only a limited form of policing under local government, severely constrained by onerous requirements, is permitted in the legislative framework. Such centralisation of policing in federal states is theorised to be necessary to avoid partisan policing and armed separatism; to prevent local capture of police by local politicians; to ensure uniformity, equity and democratic change, and to ensure equitable outcomes; and to bring efficiencies of scale to policing.

yes / Although at the national level the relationship between financial development, human capital and economic growth has received some attention, this is largely an under-researched area at the sub-national level. Human capital may impact economic growth through the channel of innovation and along with financial development could be complementary or substitute in their relationship to economic growth. Also, human capital investment, enabled by the financial sector development, not only affects growth but also directly and indirectly affects poverty reduction through the channel of growth. In this study we examine the interaction between financial development, human capital and economic growth at the sub-national level using panel dataset covering 23 states of India for the period 1999-2013. Our analysis suggests that there is evidence of positive relationship between human capital and financial development to economic growth. / New journal still to be published by Oxford Academic Journals (OUP). Final draft suppressed for 24 months - check when journal published as to exact embargo - sm - 25/04/2018 © 2018 Oxford University Press. Reproduced in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. This is a pre-copy-editing, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in Journal of Banking, Finance and Sustainable Development following peer review. The definitive publisher-authenticated version [as above] is available online at: / The full text will be available at the end of the publisher's embargo, 2 years after publication.

The following thesis outlines the current social and political situation surrounding organized crime violence in Mexico. Using Samuel P. Huntington’s Political Order in Changing Societies and regression analysis, the purpose is to highlight the lack of subnational data within Mexico. Political science and economic theories guide the reader to better understanding what types of policy change or reform may need to occur in Mexico’s future years.

Climate change is one of the most pressing issues of our time, and for long nation-states and international agreements have been in focus in the search of solutions. Yet, this approach to climate change action is becoming increasingly contested and the focus has in part been turned to other types of actors, such as actors from other levels of governance. A polycentric governance system is one of the new approaches posed for climate change governance. Through this governance system such actors are emphasized and the collaboration and cooperation between them, horizontally and vertically, is in focus. In this thesis the aim is to analyze two different alliances, one of city governments and one of regional governments. These two alliances are then positioned in relation to the polycentric system of governance. A frame analysis is used to investigate the alliances’ respective framings in order to identify how they position themselves within such a system. Reports and official documents by the alliances are used as material for the analysis. The results show that these two actors’ frames are similar in many ways. Their focus lays on the importance of the level of governance that they represent, as well as collaboration and cooperation with various types of actors. Proving their compatibility with the polycentric governance system theory.

The discovery of commercial quantities of oil and gas resources in the Gulf of Guinea and parts of East Africa has once again raised expectations that sustained development will emerge in one of the world’s poorest regions. At the same time there is great concern that Africa’s new resource-rich countries will succumb to the so-called resource curse phenomenon because of their generally weak governance institutions. In response to this challenge, the international community has intensified its efforts to promote good governance mechanisms in such countries, focused on transparency and accountability, and informed by a dominant institutionalist literature which argues that the differences in resource governance outcomes can be explained by the differences in institutional design and performance. A recent turn to politics in both the development and resource curse literature has begun to move the research agenda beyond the primacy of institutions to look at the politics that underpin the emergence and performance of institutions. This is particularly evidenced in the emerging literature on political settlements that emphasise the distribution of power amongst social groups in society and how these power relations shape institutions and in turn development outcomes. This new political lens is helping to deepen analysis of how and why resource-rich countries prevent or succumb to the resource curse and provides an opportunity to interrogate the inclusive development prospects of Africa’s new oil-rich countries. In this thesis, I apply and extend the political settlement approaches by incorporating ideational and spatial dynamics, to analyse the prospect of inclusive development outcomes in Ghana where oil and gas resources were discovered in 2007. Focusing on the power relations between and amongst national elites and elites in the oil producing Western Region, I interrogate the ways in which the spatial dynamics of Ghana’s prevailing competitive clientelist political settlement is shaping the governance of the oil sector, and the implications it has for inclusive development. I find that at the onset of a resource boom, the dynamics of local politics, and the dominant incentives and ideas generated by the political settlement has strongly shaped the content and enforcement of Ghana’s foundation institutions to manage the oil sector, in ways that reinforces the pre-oil settlement around the governance of natural resources and undermines the long-term prospects for inclusive development. At the same time, the oil boom has also been accompanied by the increased use of formal institutions and suggests that Ghana may be moving away from personalised to more programmatic forms of clientelism.

Research on museum policy often focuses on provincial or national museums, which are typically government agencies. These institutions are directly accountable to government and have an articulated role in an explicit federal or provincial museum policy. However, most Canadian museums are community museums – that is, nonprofit or municipal museums that collect and interpret locally relevant materials and have public programs targeting the community in which they are based. Community museums’ relationships with government(s) differ due to their legal structures (municipal, nonprofit), relatively small budgets, and limited number of staff. Within museum policy, community museums are distinct because they lack a direct relationship with a provincial or national government. Yet, in Canada, all levels of government are involved in their governance through regulatory and supportive activities. In particular, provincial governments have included community museums in museum policies, which tend to focus on professionalization, standards of operation, and simplifying access to resources. In other words, policies targeting community museums often subject them to norms, aiming to establish parameters and best practices for their operations. These actions seek to define and shape community museums, which raises the question: how are these policies (re)created, (re)assembled, and coordinated? Using archival research and interviews, this thesis documents community museum governance in Ontario, where provincial museum advisors and associations emerged as museum professionals embedded in policy development and implementation in the 1950s. Considering the advisors and associations’ service delivery and advocacy activities, actor-network theory (ANT) is used to discuss their work assembling and coordinating policy for Ontario’s community museums. Their work distinguishes community museum governance from the governance of national or provincial institutions because they define and establish norms, contribute to change in governance, and enact ongoing change as they (re)assemble resources for community museums. The advisors and associations have facilitated relationships between museums and actors related to museums’ work as educational institutions, sites of local action, tourism operators, agents of social change, and collecting institutions, resulting in multiple configurations of actors supporting and regulating museum activities. This thesis has found the advisors and associations historically worked for a museum community to address its needs, resulting in written policy and museums’ inclusion in government instruments. These established instruments have, to some extent, reduced the need for ongoing advocacy by targeting museums with a clear objective and normalizing museums’ participation in policy areas outside of culture. However, these instruments also reflect and reinforce historic inequities in community museum governance, privileging municipal museums with historic access to provincial support and, as a result, the capacity to advocate for their own interest through an association. Responding to growing government disinterest, the provincial museum association has refocused its efforts from defining a community in need to defining a sector that contributes to society and the economy through partnerships that can address diverse policy objectives.

A atuação internacional subnacional, mais conhecida como paradiplomacia, é o desenvolvimento de ações internacionais de governos subnacionais. Não obstante, geram reações nos governos centrais de seus países, gerando relacionamentos que vão do conflito à cooperação entre os níveis governamentais. O caso brasileiro é marcado por duas políticas direcionadas ao fenômeno: (1) a diplomacia federativa, do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), considerada como de coordenação e controle; e a (2) cooperação internacional federativa, do governo Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, reconhecida como de coordenação e incentivo, sendo um ponto de mudança de relacionamento do governo central com o fenômeno. Essa mudança gerou os questionamentos centrais da presente pesquisa. O primeiro diz respeito ao mecanismo que teria causado as mudanças institucionais e no discurso entre os dois governos. O segundo é sobre os efeitos dessa mudança: é possível identificar alterações entre os governos subnacionais brasileiros entre os dois períodos? A partir disso, buscou-se identificar os mecanismos causais que resultaram na mudança com a utilização de process-tracing e modelos de regressão logística. Em um segundo momento, estabeleceu-se que as ações internacionais de interesse seriam aquelas de quem se espera maior desenvolvimento, com políticas definidas para a atuação internacional, com a consequente observação da política externa subnacional, representada pela presença de um órgão de relações internacionais nos governos estaduais. Para a identificação da mudança nos padrões dos estados que desenvolviam uma política externa, utiliza-se a Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) e modelos de regressão logística. Identificou-se que durante a diplomacia federativa não era possível identificar um padrão explicativo para indicar a presença de uma estrutura de relações internacionais nos governos estaduais, enquanto no período da cooperação internacional federativa foram encontrados padrões bem distintos que resultaram na presença de tais estruturas, com os modelos de regressão indicando as características com possíveis efeitos mais substantivos. / The subnational international activities, known as paradiplomacy, are the actions developed abroad by subnational governments. Notwithstanding, they generate reactions by their own central governments, creating relationships ranging from conflict to cooperation between levels of government. The Brazilian case is marked by two policies linked to the phenomenon: (1) the federative diplomacy of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1994-2002), regarded as of coordination and control; and (2) the federative international cooperation of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), recognized as of coordination and encouragement, which represent a turning point in central governments agenda, regarding the phenomenon. This change led to the key questions of the present research. The first concerns the mechanisms that would have caused the institutional and discourse changes between the two governments. The second is about the effects of this change: is it possible to identify changes between Brazilian subnational governments between the two periods? From this, it was sought to identify the causal mechanisms that resulted in the change with the use of process-tracing and logistic regression models. In a second stage, it was established that the international actions of interest would be those that are expected greater development, with defined policies for international activities and the consequent observation of subnational foreign policy, represented by the presence of an agency of international relations in the state governments. To identify the changes in patterns of the states that developed a foreign policy, it was used the Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) and logistic regression models. It was found that during the federative diplomacy period was not possible to identify an explanatory pattern to indicate the presence of a structure of international relations in state governments, while in the period of international federative cooperation they were found distinct patterns that resulted in the presence of such structures, with regression models indicating the features with more substantive potential effects.

A atuação internacional subnacional, mais conhecida como paradiplomacia, é o desenvolvimento de ações internacionais de governos subnacionais. Não obstante, geram reações nos governos centrais de seus países, gerando relacionamentos que vão do conflito à cooperação entre os níveis governamentais. O caso brasileiro é marcado por duas políticas direcionadas ao fenômeno: (1) a diplomacia federativa, do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), considerada como de coordenação e controle; e a (2) cooperação internacional federativa, do governo Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, reconhecida como de coordenação e incentivo, sendo um ponto de mudança de relacionamento do governo central com o fenômeno. Essa mudança gerou os questionamentos centrais da presente pesquisa. O primeiro diz respeito ao mecanismo que teria causado as mudanças institucionais e no discurso entre os dois governos. O segundo é sobre os efeitos dessa mudança: é possível identificar alterações entre os governos subnacionais brasileiros entre os dois períodos? A partir disso, buscou-se identificar os mecanismos causais que resultaram na mudança com a utilização de process-tracing e modelos de regressão logística. Em um segundo momento, estabeleceu-se que as ações internacionais de interesse seriam aquelas de quem se espera maior desenvolvimento, com políticas definidas para a atuação internacional, com a consequente observação da política externa subnacional, representada pela presença de um órgão de relações internacionais nos governos estaduais. Para a identificação da mudança nos padrões dos estados que desenvolviam uma política externa, utiliza-se a Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) e modelos de regressão logística. Identificou-se que durante a diplomacia federativa não era possível identificar um padrão explicativo para indicar a presença de uma estrutura de relações internacionais nos governos estaduais, enquanto no período da cooperação internacional federativa foram encontrados padrões bem distintos que resultaram na presença de tais estruturas, com os modelos de regressão indicando as características com possíveis efeitos mais substantivos. / The subnational international activities, known as paradiplomacy, are the actions developed abroad by subnational governments. Notwithstanding, they generate reactions by their own central governments, creating relationships ranging from conflict to cooperation between levels of government. The Brazilian case is marked by two policies linked to the phenomenon: (1) the federative diplomacy of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1994-2002), regarded as of coordination and control; and (2) the federative international cooperation of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), recognized as of coordination and encouragement, which represent a turning point in central governments agenda, regarding the phenomenon. This change led to the key questions of the present research. The first concerns the mechanisms that would have caused the institutional and discourse changes between the two governments. The second is about the effects of this change: is it possible to identify changes between Brazilian subnational governments between the two periods? From this, it was sought to identify the causal mechanisms that resulted in the change with the use of process-tracing and logistic regression models. In a second stage, it was established that the international actions of interest would be those that are expected greater development, with defined policies for international activities and the consequent observation of subnational foreign policy, represented by the presence of an agency of international relations in the state governments. To identify the changes in patterns of the states that developed a foreign policy, it was used the Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) and logistic regression models. It was found that during the federative diplomacy period was not possible to identify an explanatory pattern to indicate the presence of a structure of international relations in state governments, while in the period of international federative cooperation they were found distinct patterns that resulted in the presence of such structures, with regression models indicating the features with more substantive potential effects.