Thesis (Ph. D.)--Zhongguo wenhua da xue, 1982. / Cover title. Bibliography: p. 207-218.

本文以晚明天台宗的發展為主題，并試圖通過浙江這一個案的研究來探究晚明時期中國佛教發展的特點。 / 晚明佛教的復興運動是一個各種佛教發展"模式"競爭的場所。在這裡，不同的人物或派別基於他們所理解的時代需要而有意識的"修剪菩提樹"，由此而產生各種風格迥異的佛教發展模式。晚明天台宗的復興運動也正是當時各種佛教發展模式中重要的一環。 / 本文首先通過考證得出正統譜系中晚明以來的這些天台宗祖師是由幾系以不同寺院為基礎的僧團編輯而成，并在四份傳承譜系的比較中，得出晚明天台宗在幽溪傳燈之後，由高明寺發展至浙江一帶不同地域的數系傳承，而智旭的靈峰寺僧團在明末清初一直秉承"不自立宗"的宗旨，兩者並非是"念珠式"一襲相承。要理解明清以來天台宗發展的走向，須要首先理解高明寺一系百松真覺、幽溪傳燈所領導的晚明天台宗的"中興"。 / 從百松真覺的續弘台宗，到幽溪傳燈時期的鼎盛，天台宗已成為東南浙江一帶頗具影響的派別。晚明天台在發展的模式的探索上，以幽溪傳燈的思想最為代表，他認為天台宗所傳的教法是最契合如來本心的，故而在其理論構建中，處處發明天台教旨，將其置於理論建構中的最高地位。 / 由於智旭思想中多有涉及天台教學，故而他和天台宗之間的關係歷來多有爭訟。本文則通過智旭與天台一系僧團的交流，特別是在他思想探索時期與幽溪傳燈的弟子的"共締千古盟"，來說明他爲什麽會如此注重天台教學。至於爲什麽他會被塑造為天台祖師，本文則通過明清天台譜系的研究來考證智旭的靈峰寺僧團在清中前期與幽溪傳燈一系傳承的交往以及逐漸演化為天台法脈的過程，并試圖通過明清佛教的組織形式來探討這種轉變的原因。 / 智旭與幽溪傳燈在模式上諸宗融合與宗派爭鳴兩種意見的分歧也促使我們對晚明佛教的融合論作進一步的反思。由於"佛教"這一術語的模糊性，每種發展模式的僧人都將自己所認同的教學模式認為是佛教的正統代表，因而，在他們判別各宗派佛法高低以及融合他宗時，不可避免的將自身所認同的佛法置於最高或最核心的地位，於是所謂的融合也就不可避免的變為伸張一家教旨的論斷，各種模式之間，甚至各種主張融合的模式之間的矛盾和爭訟也因此不可避免。 / In this thesis, I aim to discuss the development of T’ien-t’ai school in Late Ming and try to explore, through this case study, the characteristics of Chinese Buddhism in this period. / The Late Ming Buddhist revival is like a site of contestation by different Buddhist development "models", each kind of which intentionally "prunes the bodhi tree" according to its own understanding of Buddhism and the needs of their time. / From the time of Baisong Zhenjue (百松真覺) to Youxi Chuandeng (幽溪傳燈), the T’ien-t’ai School has become an influential faction of Buddhism in southeast China. The characteristic of their model is to highlight their sectarian identity, they put their teaching of T’ien-t’ai as the hightest in their scheme of classification of doctiones and as most conforming to the heart of the teachings of Buddha. / In the study of late Ming Buddhism, there has been much dispute on the relationship between Ouyi Zhixu (蕅益智旭) and the T’ien-t’ai School. In this thesis, I try to reveal Ouyi Zhixu’s communication with the disciples of Youxi Chuandeng to illustrate why he paid so much attention to the T’ien-t’ai teaching. As for why Ouyi Zhixu is presented as the patriarch of T’ien-t’ai School, I will show, through the textual research of T’ien-t’ai lineage recrods during the Ming and Qing Dynasties, how the lineage of the Lingfeng Temple (靈峰寺) sangha in early and mid Qing was transformed to become one of the T’ien-t’ai lineages. / The different understanding of Ouyi Zhixu and Youxi Chuandeng on syncretism or sectarian identity prompts us to rethink the syncretism of Late Ming Buddhism. Because of the ambiguity of the term "Buddhism", all different development models claims that they are the orthodox representation of Buddhism. In different scheme of doctrinal classification (判教), all factions will inevitably put their own theory as the highest or the core teaching of Buddhism. / The ambiguity of the term "Buddhism" also applies to the understanding of Buddhism by the gentry from Confucianism. What they are dealing with is different models of Buddhism, but not Buddhism as a whole. Therefore, the so-called syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism or the unity of the three teachings (三教合一), actually refers to the relationship between the gentry and the kind of Buddhism that they identitied with. Moreover, the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism were with complicated social and historical background. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 馬炳濤. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 137-147). / Abstracts also in English. / Ma Bingtao.

abstract: In 1072 Jōjin (1011-1081) boarded a Chinese merchant ship docked in Kabeshima (modern Saga) headed for Mingzhou (modern Ningbo) on the eastern coast of Northern Song (960-1279) China. Following the convention of his predecessors, Jōjin kept a daily record of his travels from the time he first boarded the Chinese merchant ship in Kabeshima to the day he sent his diary back to Japan with his disciples in 1073. Jōjin’s diary in eight fascicles, A Record of a Pilgrimage to Tiantai and Wutai Mountains (San Tendai Godaisan ki), is one of the longest extant travel accounts concerning medieval China. It includes a detailed compendium of anecdotes on material culture, flora and fauna, water travel, and bureaucratic procedures during the Northern Song, as well as the transcription of official documents, inscriptions, Chinese texts, and lists of personal purchases and official procurements. The encyclopedic nature of Jōjin’s diary is highly valued for the insight it provides into the daily life, court policies, and religious institutions of eleventh-century China. This dissertation addresses these aspects of the diary, but does so from the perspective of treating the written text as a material artifact of placemaking. The introductory chapter first contextualizes Jōjin’s diary within the travel writing genre, and then presents the theoretical framework for approaching Jōjin’s engagement with space and place. Chapter two presents the bustling urban life in Hangzhou in terms of Jōjin’s visual and material consumption of the secular realm as reflected in his highly illustrative descriptions of the night markets and entertainers. Chapter three examines Jōjin’s descriptions of sacred Tendai sites in China, and how he approaches these spaces with a sense of familiarity from the textual milieu that informed his movements across this religious landscape. Chapter four discusses Jōjin’s impressions of Kaifeng and the Grand Interior as a metropolitan space with dynamic functions and meanings. Lastly, chapter five concludes by considering the means by which Jōjin’s performance of place in his diary further contributes to the collective memory of place and his own sense of self across the text. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation East Asian Languages and Civilizations 2018

Sugawara no Michizane était un lettré du 9e siècle qui fut élevé au rang de kami et qui inspira un culte qui demeure encore extrêmement vivace de nos jours. Le personnage historique et sa forme divinisée inspirèrent quantité d’histoires qui furent, entre autres raisons, créées pour justifier l’édification de sanctuaires voués à son culte, expliquer l’origine d’un fait religieux local ou d’un toponyme. Dans ce travail, nous nous proposons d'étudier les récits fictifs qui mettent en scène le personnage historique de Sugawara no Michizane et d’aborder le sujet sous trois angles différents. La première partie de notre étude consistera en l’établissement d’une énumération de ces légendes au moyen d’un large appareil de documents (récits de fondation, monographies, journaux de voyage…) qui nous permettra d’identifier leurs particularités, leur répartition dans l’espace et dans la vie de Sugawara no Michizane. Cette liste permettra de faire ressortir l’existence d’un certain nombre de « valeurs constantes » que l’on retrouve en fait non seulement dans les histoires de Sugawara no Michizane mais aussi dans celles qui mettent en scène d’autres personnages historiques. La seconde approche de ces légendes consistera à étudier précisément ces « valeurs constantes » et à tenter d’en déterminer l’origine. La troisième et dernière approche des légendes aura pour but d’étudier leurs « valeurs variables » et de voir ce qu’elles peuvent, à leur tour, nous apprendre sur leurs auteurs ainsi que les circonstances de leur création. / Sugawara no Michizane was a 9th century scholar who was turned into a god and inspired a cult still popular nowadays. His human and divine forms both inspired countless legends which were told, amongst other reasons, in order to justify the building of shrines devoted to his cult, and to explain the origin of local customs and places’ names. This dissertation will focus on the legends built around the historical figure of Sugawara no Michizane and analyze them under three different perspectives. The first perspective consists of an enumeration of legends using a large array of documents such as foundation stories, monographs and travelers’ journals. This is the first time such a list has been compiled. This list enables us to identify particularities and distributions in both space and span of Sugawara no Michizane’s life. This list also allows us to establish the existence of a certain number of “constant patterns” which not only appear in Sugawara no Michizane’s stories but also in stories involving other historical figures. The second perspective of the study examines these “constant patterns” and suggests possibilities for their possible origin. The third and last perspective of our study will deal with the so-called “variable patterns” of the stories and will suggest who created these stories and the reasons for their creation.

This dissertation presents an in-depth examination of Sumiyoshi Gukei’s (住吉 具慶, 1631–1705) masterwork handscrolls Illustrated Legends of the Two Masters (Ryōdaishi engi emaki, 1680), pictorial biographies of the Tendai Buddhist patriarchs Tenkai (天海, 1536–1643) and Ryōgen (良源, 912–985). These scrolls played a crucial role in Gukei’s 1685 appointment to shogunal painter (goyō eshi), distinguishing him as the first artist trained in the native yamato-e style to be hired to the position by the Tokugawa. Illustrated Legends of the Two Masters demonstrates the manner in which Gukei utilized visual tropes steeped in the prestige of an idealized past to devise an entirely new iconography suitable to satisfy the desires of Kan’eiji, the shogunal temple that commissioned these narratives. The yamato-e of the Edo period inherently embodies a tension between lionizing the visual tropes of the historic past and refreshing them with novel interpretations, a balance perfectly struck by Gukei’s expressive, idiosyncratic, and narratively rich take on the mode. From its founding in 1663, the members of Sumiyoshi school had a reputation for working in an orthodox style of yamato-e, resulting from the Tosa school training of the founder Sumiyoshi Jokei (住吉 如慶, 1598–1670), and his thorough experience copying classic paragons of courtly grace; as the second head of the school, Gukei’s interpretation exhibits a noteworthy departure from previous conventions. This deft appropriation of imperial visual culture and adroit repackaging to suit contemporary tastes appealed to the Tokugawa shogunate, itself seeking a visual vocabulary with which to maintain cultural dominion over the realm.