This thesis is a sociogenetic investigation of terrorism that has been directed against Britain since the late eighteenth century. One of its most fundamental aims is to help lay the foundations of a figurational approach to the study of terrorism. Accordingly, I seek to answer two core and interrelated questions and apply the findings to develop an understanding of the processes and relationships that have contributed to the emergence of home-grown ‘jihadist terrorism’ in Britain. Those questions are: i) Under what figurational conditions have the concepts of terrorism and terrorist developed, in sociogenetic terms, since they were first coined during the first French Revolution in the late eighteenth century? ii) Under what figurational conditions do people act according to various designations of terrorism? In order to develop answers to these questions several kinds of terrorism figurations related to Britain are examined. The first three chapters are dedicated to exploring the research on terrorism that has grown in recent decades. Much of it fails to develop an understanding of terrorism that has sufficient detachment, and consequently can help, in some cases, to perpetuate terrorism figurations. Subsequent chapters move away from these mainstream approaches and show how terrorism figurations have developed in Britain from the time the concept ‘terrorism’ was first coined during the French Revolution. The core findings relate to how terrorism developed in antithesis to the concept of civilisation, and emerged as part of complex inter- and intra-state relationships and established-outsider figurations. As part of these processes, functional democratisation played a key role both in Britain and in Britain’s relations to other countries. Finally, I show that these processes have been central to the development of the habituses and identities of the July 7 2005 London bombers.

Peruvian civilian and military authorities were trapped on a dead-end road in the counterinsurgency struggle against the terrorist movement Shining Path until the capture of the organization's top leader on September 12, 1992. The episode led to the eventual demise of the terrorist organization. This thesis argues that the successful operation was a consequence of the particular organization and working processes of the intelligence unit assigned to this sensitive case, and describes the extent to which the capture contributed to the defeat of the insurgency. Given the characteristics of the Shining Path terrorist organization, it was necessary to design a Special Intelligence Group with specific characteristics that made the group strong enough to overcome the obstacles of the reality it faced in Peru. Several other units with the same mission were unsuccessful in the twelve years of open struggle against the Shining Path. During its 22 years of activity, the Shining Path had built a solidly impenetrable organization, which allowed the police and military to hit the organizations' military apparatus, but not the political one. In Maoist organizations like the Shining Path, the political apparatus controls the organization. A study of the tactics, techniques and procedures developed by the Special Intelligence Group and the exchange between the intelligence and the operations components, as well as the decision making process within the group itself, demonstrates the organizational necessity of secrecy, isolation, motivation and delegation of authority for this type of mission.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks, the issue of political violence expressed via mass destruction has raised security concerns to an unprecedented degree not seen since the end of the Cold War. As a principal adversary, the Soviet Union has been replaced by terror networks applying asymmetric warfare to achieve politically charged or ideologically driven objectives. A scenario whereby non-state actors would acquire a nuclear capability not only threatens the security of the United States, but would destabilize the Westphalian notion of the primacy of nation-states within the international system. Despite U.S. expenditures of over $86 million to help nearly 30 countries worldwide in preventing the smuggling of weapons-useable radiological materials, over 20 known cases of such activity were reported between 1992 and 2001. Previous research has concentrated on a singularly defined threat: The Rogue State. Today's challenges are characterized by more defused, decentralized networks, to include transnational actors with the potential to proliferate and supply terrorists with a nuclear weapon or weapons-grade radiological material. This thesis examines the applicability of traditional Cold War strategies such as deterrence, pre-emption, prevention, and coercive diplomacy in the present context, to deny extremist groups and associated networks the means to buy, steal, or make nuclear and radiological weapons. This thesis proposes a multi-dimensional approach in support of mixed-strategies for winning the race against nuclear terror. The author contends that terrorist groups cannot acquire nuclear or radiological technology without the witting or unwitting support of state actors.

The United States has experienced a significant amount of difficulty of late with two factors: a) how to fight against a networked enemy, and b) the need for more cultural intelligence. This thesis will describe a structure to assist with both those needs. The premise is that an expanded and improved network of US Military Groups is the weapon of choice for the war on terror, and beyond. The purpose of this thesis is to propose a policy that will consolidate the functions of Defense AttachsÌ , Security Assistance Officers, and a proposed corps of ethnographic information officers into a network of embassy annexes that will cover every nation in which the United States has a country team. The intertwined questions of how to fight a network and how to gather cultural intelligence present the United States with a strategic challenge, and require the examination of the type of information the Department of Defense captures, and what is to be done with that information. This thesis proposes a means to collect ethnographic information and a structure for using it to make effective decisions in a variety of traditional security roles as well as in the fight against transnational terror networks.

On September 28, 2000, Israel's Likud party leader, Ariel Sharon, visited the Temple Mount in the Old City of Jerusalem. His visit spawned the al-Aqsa Intifada, a period of significant Palestinian resistance that has never "officially" ended, and whose reverberations continue to be felt to this day. This thesis assesses Israel's counter-terror strategies and tactics during the al-Aqsa Intifada in light of established scholarly measures of effectiveness. It focuses on specific Israeli actions aimed at countering Palestinian resistance. These include: targeted assassinations, home demolitions, collective punishments, border controls, administrative detention, controls on terrorist financing and technological advances. It assesses those tactics, year by year, to determine whether or not there was a correlation between the tactics and the number of anti-Israeli terrorist incidents. This tactical analysis provides a basis on which to appraise Israeli counter-terror strategy and its long-term effectiveness. It concludes with a consideration of the long-term implications of the Israeli's experience.

CHDS State/Local / The September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks were a watershed event in this country's history that significantly affected law enforcement agencies and organizations at all levels, including the FBI and the multidisciplinary Joint Terrorism Task Forces. The terrorist attacks served as a catalyst for evaluating cultural, psychological and organizational processes, policies and procedures that influenced the FBI and impacted the JTTF program. In 2006 a comprehensive study was conducted to investigate whether FBI provided JTTF members with the necessary tools to support their investigations. The study identified a number of deficiencies. In order to adapt and combat an emergent asymmetric threat, the JTTF must identify and analyze specific actions and best practices necessary to prepare, execute, and support strategic change and innovation and overcome obstacles that impede the process. It is also necessary to identify and implement best and/or smart practices, especially those plans, policies, and procedures that ensure the skills, experience, and expertise of task force participants are maximized and seamlessly integrated into the JTTF program. The implementation of standardized written procedures that detail roles, responsibilities, training, orientation, and access to databases and information sharing will better enable participants to efficiently contribute to the JTTF mission. Institutionalizing an innovative culture and framework that provides the flexibility to evaluate and develop necessary skills and competencies in participant stakeholders is essential for the future success of the JTTF program. / SSA, Department of Justice (DOJ)/Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)

The study is based on the hypothesis that there are forces of influence that push a group from extremism to terrorism. While not all groups make the shift to terrorism, there are inherent forces within the radical group that influence the course of action undertaken by groups. The study examines 10 radical groups in Indonesia and explores the question: How do ideology, leadership and group dynamics play a significant role in the radical groups in Indonesia? The study explored groups within a broad cross-section of terrorist and extremist groups that have either been in operation or are currently in operation in Indonesia The groups examined were Lashkar Jihad (LJ), Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), Darul Islam (DI), Front Pembela Islam (FPI), Negara Islam Indonesia (NII), Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HT), Majelis Mujahideen Indonesia (MMI), Jamaah Anshorut Tauhid (JAT), Al Qaeda Indonesia (AI) and Mujahideen Indonesia Timur (MIT). The study highlights that groups are able to sustain themselves on the path of terrorism if there is a unique confluence of a politicised ideology, presence of influential leadership and group dynamics. Based on 124 interviews and questionnaires of terrorist and extremist leadership and cadre, the study sheds light on unique dynamics within these groups in Indonesia. In an examination of the 10 radical groups, this study shows that the very factors that often influences the radicalisation of individuals on the pathway of terrorism – ideology, charismatic leadership and community affiliation through group dynamics also in turn influence the course of action of groups as a whole.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The Greek government unsuccessfully battled leftist terrorist groups from 1975 to 2002. The two most notorious terrorist organizations during this period were the "November 17" group and another group called, the "Revolutionary People's Struggle." In 1975, these organizations began a violent campaign against the United States, NATO personnel, Turkish diplomats, and member of the Greek political and business elite. The government's failure to curtail these groups resulted from the erroneous belief that these terrorists were not a direct threat to Greek's democracy. Fortunately, in June of 2002, with numerous arrests, Greek authorities made substantial progress and apprehended the leaders of the "November 17." This thesis examines the nature and the effects of terrorism by focusing on the ideology and activities of these two specific terrorist groups. This thesis also identifies and analyzes the origins of these organizations, reveals how the terrorist situation was created, and examines the causes that led to the inception of these terrorist organizations. Additionally, this thesis interprets the role of the intelligence services in Greece before and after the demise of the Greek military dictatorship in 1974. It also explores how the intelligent community under the watchful eye of Greece's political leadership helped dislodge these terrorist organizations and helped protect and consolidate the fledging democracy. / Major, Hellenic Air Force

Since the 9/11 attacks by Al Qaeda members against the United States, counterterrorism has become a top priority for policymakers and academic researchers. A critical aspect of this mandate is the prevention and intervention of future terrorist attacks by U.S.-based jihadist and Salafist extremists. This study aims to generate a typology of homegrown terrorists who have been prosecuted by the United States federal government for terrorism offenses within the United States since the 9/11 attacks. The current study uses a sample of 115 cases, involving 194 offenders. Three clusters of offenders who share a set of demographic, social, and behavioral characteristics were identified through a two-step cluster analysis. These clusters include: Cyber Attackers, Convert Affiliates, and Trained Allies. Clusters also exhibited variation in the nature of terrorist activity and degree of operational success. The unique characteristics of each cluster suggest possible policy implications for international travel, cyber regulation, and community outreach programs to address the unique threats posed by subgroups of offenders. Efforts to prevent future terrorist plots and attacks may be more effective if the type of offender is considered.

The cooperation between the United States and China in central Asia is not only a kind of bilateral cooperation; they concern their mutual interests and also refer to the interests of central Asia. No matter China could accept the international reality or not, China must face the challenges after the United States enters central Asia. A safe central Asia will help China, Europe and west Asia to establish a stable connection; it will also cause better economic development and promote the international status and influence of China. The long-term interests of China in central Asia will depend on the cooperation between other superpowers, so China must strengthen the cooperation between America and Russia in order to stable the safety of central Asia. Besides, central Asia plays an important role on the economic and military safety of China. Therefore, in order to maintain the stable development and power balance in central Asia, the United States and China must keep the competitive and cooperative relationship in the future.