Thesis--Freiburg i.B. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 517-531).

No description available.

This study attempts to determine the effect of foreign policy on the freedom of the press through analysing newspapers from three Middle Eastern countries (Syria, Jordan and Kuwait) to test hypotheses regarding the direction and trends in the coverage of the two superpowers (The United States of America and the Soviet Union). The coverage was examined in the light of trends in Syrian, Jordanian and Kuwaiti foreign policies towards the United States of America and the Soviet Union. This study is trying to assess any correlation between foreign policy and the freedom of the press, and to look at internal factors (press and publication law) which might influence both foreign policy and press. This study found out that the meaning of freedom of the press is shaped by political and economic factors. There are clear differences in the definitions and implications of freedom of the press between journalists in Syria and in the other two countries (Jordan and Kuwait). This analysis leads us to the conclusion that the Syrian, Jordanian and Kuwaiti press and publication laws share one major characteristic that is the laws of these countries are more restrictive than protective. The ideals in the three countries constitutions which guarantee freedom of the press are one thing and practices are another.

This thesis is an analytical study of the League of Arab States regional human rights system. It involves an examination of the League's concept of human rights as represented in the League's two draft instruments - the draft Arab Declaration of Human Rights and the draft Arab Convention on Human Rights - as well as its machinery of implementation as represented in the Permanent Arab Commission on Human Rights. Our analysis of the League's human rights is conducted in the light of the political, cultural and ideological factors prevailing in the Arab world. The League's failure to establish an effective regional human rights system is due largely to its inherent limitations and to the constant negative attitudes of Arab States toward human rights protection. Unless some drastic changes in these determinate factors take place, the situation is likely to remain the same in years to come. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

Thesis (master's)--Jāmiʻat al-Qāhirah. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 383-397).

No description available.

The United Nations has created an abundance of human rights treaties and declarations over the decades to promote a culture of human rights and to set normative provisions of human rights standards for all states to follow. This broad effort is supplemented by the work of regional human rights organisations, which aim to ensure implementation of these fundamental precepts, and to enhance its work to suit its regional circumstances, offering a protective source of jurisprudence at the domestic level. One such organisation, which this thesis examines, is the Arab League. In critically examining the history and the work of the Arab League, the study highlights the deficiencies in promoting and protecting human rights. In this context, this thesis critically examines the Arab League’s development and relationship with the wider international human rights apparatus. It provides a comprehensive overview of the system of the United Nations and its specialised organs that with the resolutions adopted helped the League establish its own regional human rights systems. It traces the history of the application of international human rights discourse in the Arab world. Accordingly, an attempt is made to conceptualise the universality of human rights in the region and the impact of the Shariah discourse. It then attempts to provide an analytic description of the Arab League and background to the region and undertakes an in-depth critical analysis of the structure of the League and assesses its impact in the region, all of which may have incentives to the League’s attempt to institutionalise, promote and protect human rights. The study considers the efforts made by the Arab Permanent Commission on Human Rights and its specialised agencies that ultimately led to the adoption of the Arab Charter on Human Rights (1994). After examining the limitations of the Commission and its work, the scope and structure of the revised Arab Charter on Human Rights (2004) is critically analysed. The study also examines and evaluates the legislative framework of the Arab Human Rights Committee (the Charter’s enforcement mechanism as per Art.45). A case study of the Syrian Arab Republic and the analysis of continuing violations of human rights in the region illustrate the deficiencies and limitations of the Arab League as a regional organisation.

The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court is a major landmark in the development of international accountability. Its preamble affirms “that the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole must not go unpunished and that their effective prosecution must be ensured by taking measures at the national level and by enhancing international cooperation”. Thus the signatory states were “determined to put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of these crimes and thus to contribute to the prevention of such crimes”. The ICC contributes to the fight against impunity and the establishment of the rule of law by punishing violations of international legal norms. Accountability is important for the past and the future of societies. The ICC needs the support and cooperation of the states to effectively perform its mandate. So without ratification and implementation of the Rome Statute the ICC will not have jurisdiction over non-member states, unless referred by the UN Security Council. The Rome Statute does not only create the ICC but it also creates the national jurisdiction of its States Parties as these states have the primary responsibility to investigate and prosecute Rome Statute crimes. With only five Arab states to date being State Parties to the Rome Statute, it is obvious that the region is underrepresented at the ICC. Despite their positive role played in the creation of the ICC, not ratifying the Rome Statute raises several questions, especially that the majority of states that voted against the Statute were from the Arab region. Ratifying and implementing the Rome Statute will strengthen the Arab states criminal justice system, enabling them to prosecute international crimes domestically and will deter any individual from committing them in the future, regardless his official position. It will also allow the Arab states to have the primary jurisdiction over international crimes and reinforces the entire judicial system. This research will examine the issue of ratification and implementation of the Rome Statute by the Arab states by analysing the reasons, challenges and obstacles of the Arab states for not becoming part of the international criminal justice system.

<p>The aim of this paper is to examine how the size of the Egyptian state has developed during the last three decades. The questions that I will try to answer during the paper are following: Has the Egyptian state contracted the last three decades? Can I based on the result of the study draw some conclusions about if the states dominant position in the society has been reduced? The theory and the method are built on the theoretical framework of the authoritarian state. The modern authoritarian state bases its dominant role in the society on a large centralized and hierarchical bureaucracy. This composes the main theoretical assumption that the method is based on. The method is built on the operationalization of four indicators that examine the size of the state. The conclusion of the first question is that the Egyptian state can be said both has contracted and maintained status quo, and the conclusion of the second question is that the states ability to dominate the society still is big, this assumption is mostly based on the high rate of employment in the public sector witch creates the foundation of the large bureaucracy.</p>

The aim of this paper is to examine how the size of the Egyptian state has developed during the last three decades. The questions that I will try to answer during the paper are following: Has the Egyptian state contracted the last three decades? Can I based on the result of the study draw some conclusions about if the states dominant position in the society has been reduced? The theory and the method are built on the theoretical framework of the authoritarian state. The modern authoritarian state bases its dominant role in the society on a large centralized and hierarchical bureaucracy. This composes the main theoretical assumption that the method is based on. The method is built on the operationalization of four indicators that examine the size of the state. The conclusion of the first question is that the Egyptian state can be said both has contracted and maintained status quo, and the conclusion of the second question is that the states ability to dominate the society still is big, this assumption is mostly based on the high rate of employment in the public sector witch creates the foundation of the large bureaucracy.