This is an assessment of the social and cultural factors that potentially will influence the transfer of Caribbean King Crab or Mithrax mariculture as it has been developed in two West Indian project sites. The projects are located in Nonsuch Bay, Antigua, and Buen Hombre,Dominican Republic. The projects derive from an original proposal entitled "A New Mariculture Project for the Lesser Antilles," which was submitted by the Smithsonian Institution, Marine Systems Laboratory (MSL), to the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID). That project was funded as AID Project No. 598 -065. This anthropological and sociological assessment was contracted by the Smithsonian Institution as specified in P.O. No. ST5080090000 on July 10, 1985.

This presentation was created to supplement the Mithrax Crab culture technical report Caribbean Fishermen Farmers and provide images that can further convey an understanding of the analysis and findings presented in the Antigua portion of the report.

This presentation was created to supplement the Mithrax Crab culture technical report Caribbean Fishermen Farmers and provide images that can further convey an understanding of the analysis and findings presented in the Dominican Republic portion of the report.

In the 1700s, French colonies in the Caribbean produced massive amounts of sugar cane for shipment exclusively to France. The French Revolution of 1789 precipitated long years of economic conflict between England and France, during which French scientists and entrepreneurs worked to develop technology and capital investment to produce sugar on the French mainland from European-grown beets. Economic and agricultural viability of mass production of beet sugar was established by 1812 and used to promote French autarky (self-sufficiency) in emerging ideologies of economic nationalism. Beet sugar's equivalence to cane sugar meant direct competition with colonial cane, marking a period of "conjunction," when questions of colonial belonging and rights to participation in markets were actively contested in Paris as debates over tariff and bounty legislation. New forms of symbolic inclusion and exclusion of French colonies were produced—with important results for the cane sugar complex, colonial producers, and the system of French trade relations. Guyane Française (French Guiana) provides the prime illustrative case of colonial changes due to the sugar conjunction. A colony in northeastern South America, Guyane had been claimed by France since the early seventeenth century, but remained sparsely populated and experienced relatively weak development of the cane sugar complex. Thus, during and following the sugar conjunction, the French moved to make the colony a place for exile of state prisoners, rather than continue to develop it for cane cultivation and sugar production. The first shipment of convicts—stripped of their French citizenship before departure—arrived in Guyane in 1852 as the first prisoners in the penal colony that would be come to be known around the world as Devil's Island.

One of the first commercial oil wells in the world was drilled in southwest Trinidad, and the century of hydrocarbon production that followed has shaped the region's social and physical landscape. The Shell Oil Company built the town of Point Fortin to be its oilfield headquarters in this territory, and through the first half of the 1900s the company was a pervasive employer, sponsor and overseer in the town. In recent decades, Point Fortin's oil refinery has closed down and the Atlantic Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) Corporation began operating its facility on a nearby site. Corresponding with Trinidad and Tobago's structural adjustment period, this transition ushered in a new labor regime and community relations model that have reconfigured the relationship among Point Fortin residents, major petroleum companies, and the state. This dissertation utilizes an ethnohistorical approach to illuminate how livelihoods, sense of place, and expectations for the future have changed through the town's dynamic 100-year encounter with petro-industrialization. It explores the distinct features of oil and natural gas, tracing the particular ways they animate and constrain the social, political and industrial networks of which they are part. These two fossil fuels behave very differently, from the communities where they are produced and processed, to the global market. Attending to the materiality of the resources themselves yields insights into the assemblage of machines, bodies, logics, and institutions that constitutes the industrial ecology of Trinidad and Tobago.

<p> This study helps to broaden a growing body of literature by examining the growth of an urban Jamaican community in the southeastern port of Santiago de Cuba, Cuba.</p><p> <i>Background:</i> When the British colony of Jamaica abolished slavery in 1838, the upper classes attempted to tie free workers to sugar plantations; ex&ndash;slaves attempted to move away from the estates as soon as possible. Despite an increase in internal migration after abolition, the majority of the black population remained in rural areas, and dedicated their labor to the land. The Jamaican elite successfully argued for the introduction of contract laborers from Asia as a replacement for the slavery system. It brought the planters some limited economic success as export crops&mdash;particularly sugar&mdash;had the chance to rebound, but planters used immigrants to drive down wages. Increasing population pressure on the land, a series of natural disasters, few economic opportunities, and ineligibility for political participation prompted Jamaicans to look outside of their homeland for socioeconomic improvement by the late 1800s. Travelers emigrated in significant numbers to Panama, Costa Rica, and Nicaragua with the hope of earning higher wages, sending remittances to family members, and returning home with enough money to live independently. As work on the Panama Canal ended by the 1910s, Jamaicans turned their sights back to the Caribbean. During the second half of the 19th century, Cuba was one of Spain's two remaining Caribbean colonies despite attempting several wars of independence. At the end of the final effort in 1898, the United States intervened against the metropolis; the two powers reached an agreement giving possession of Cuba to the US, who would help to establish political order and assist the islanders in ruling themselves. US investment in Cuban industry, especially in sugar, allowed foreigners to purchase enormous tracts of land and to influence the restructuring of the island's political, social, and economic landscape. The seasonal sugar cane harvest attracted foreign workers from Europe, Latin America, and the Caribbean seeking better wages than what they could find at home; between 1912 and 1920, thousands of British West Indians traveled to Cuba to labor in the agricultural industry or to occupy niches in the service industry. </p><p> However, Cubans scrutinized and discriminated against them for being black, for being foreign, for driving down wages, or some combination thereof. Though Cubans claimed to live in a color-blind society, racial discrimination persisted and the white elite supported a policy of &ldquo;whitening&rdquo; the island through selective immigration from Spain and miscegenation; these racial and cultural prejudices were particularly divisive given that a significant percentage of Cubans were of African descent. Furthermore, the general population was frustrated by the lack of Cuban sovereignty and saw foreign workers as complicit in the US intervention. As a result, calls for nationalism tended to veer into xenophobia and racism during economic downturns in the early 1920s and 1930s. </p><p> <i>Methods/Sources:</i> Due to limited access to archival sources in Cuba, the bulk of the data is from the British National Archives: the consular reports summarized political and social upheaval in Cuba, collected publications from the Cuban government, and gave a perspective of the migration from the viewpoint of the British government. Similar information came from the U.S. National Archives at College Park, Maryland. The provincial archive of Santiago de Cuba provided information on migrant activities: marriage and citizenship documents; and social, cultural, and political organizations. It also yielded the Cuban government's responses to West Indian immigration. Correspondence between colonial officials and international organizations came from the Jamaican National Archives; the Sir Arthur Lewis Institute for Social and Economic Studies at the University of the West Indies, Mona, held interviews of Jamaicans who lived during the period under study. Cuban and Jamaican newspaper reports detailed economic and political conditions in the two islands from journalists' investigations, letters from migrants, and governmental decrees. </p><p> <i>Findings:</i> I relate how different groups in Cuba reacted to Jamaican migration: the support for and against it, how this support changed over time, and how it differed by geography. I also attempt to give a fuller description of who these migrants were. I discuss their relationships with other West Indians and Cubans, their marriages, and the paths that they took to Cuban citizenship. How gender influenced and differentiated Jamaicans' experiences when they went abroad&mdash;how they were perceived and treated, and how they fared&mdash;receives special attention.</p><p> The work concludes by examining the reaction of the British officials who represented British West Indians in Cuba. It also puts the migration into a broader context by examining black British subjects who traveled to other parts of Latin America and the Caribbean during this era. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)</p>

This study proposes that Leila Sebbar and V. S. Naipaul, two widely-read contemporary novelists, intuitively understand Albert Camus' idea of revolt, using it to legitimate their non-essentialized, transcultural models of individual and collective identity. This dissertation views an Algerian teenager's rendezvous with Nobel Prize-winning author V. S. Naipaul in Les Carnets de Sherazade as a magical portal through which Leila Sebbar allows us to see her fiction as a subversion and a reappropriation of the liberal philosophical principles underlying V. S. Naipaul's novels and travel journals. Although they interpret the increasing visibility of cultural, racial, and religious fundamentalisms in Western and non-Western societies as signs of a gathering nihilistic storm, neither Sebbar nor Naipaul believe that these epistemologically bounded ideologies of revolt are invincible. Instead, both depict rebellion, an epistemologically open-ended and altruistic form of revolt, as the exclusive means through which post-colonials across the globe can experience individual and communal wholeness---liberty, equality, fraternity, and peace---amidst the eponymous mixing of different peoples and truths in the late twentieth century. Chapter One explores the concepts of rebellion and nihilism in Albert Camus' The Rebel and Francis Fukuyama's The End of History and the Last Man. It also investigates the uncanny philosophical and thematic parallels in Leila Sebbar's and V. S. Naipaul's works. Chapter Two analyzes the theme of the returned gaze in Sebbar's Sherazade and Le Fou de Sherazade. It shows how Sherazade, Sebbar's title character, resists Orientalism and Islamic orthodoxy in a rebellious manner. The Algerian teenager challenges the "master's" desire for supremacy without denying his or her dignity. Chapter Three investigates the relationship between Sebbar's fiction and Lettres parisiennes: autopsie de l'exil, her correspondence with Canadian author Nancy Huston. It demonstrates that Sebbar's formulation of exile as a hybrid, contingent identitarian space in Lettres parisiennes is coterminous with Camus' notion of rebellion. Chapter Four is a detailed study of Sherazade's encounter with V. S. Naipaul in southwestern France in Les Carnets de Sherazade. Using Anne Donadey's model of mimicry, it claims that Sebbar subverts the British-Caribbean writer's representations of the ex-colonized's subjectivity and revalidates his underlying faith in rebellion.

French Caribbean along with other Third World intellectuals have examined from different perspectives not only the oppositions, but also the interconnections between the colonial subject and the colonized other. In their discussions, which are enlightening to all other respects, the role and the significance of women are, nevertheless, undermined or even totally forgotten. In this work I am focusing on "autobiographical" novels written by three Guadeloupean authors, Maryse Conde, Simone Schwarz-Bart and Myriam Warner-Vieyra, who address the absence of female discourse on and from history. In their books, the female subject constitutes itself through its search for historical rehabilitation. This rehabilitation is hindered by a past of violence against the female body. Physically abused, during slavery and even after, the Caribbean woman succeeds in organizing her resistance. The latter functions as a "detour" that challenges the authority of colonial and patriarchal structures. Her confidence is nevertheless tested when she tries to build the cultural "arriere pays" she lacks. Although the idea of a return to Africa seems appealing at first, her trip to the maternal land turns out to be nothing more than the discovery of a world she does not understand and that is slowly disappearing in the midst of political turmoil. Her constant wanderings lead her to Europe or to America but fail to provide her with a real sense of identity. Twice colonized, victim of an endless movement of migration, she remains a prisoner of the Hegelian dialectics of the master and the slave. She finds, however, a way to penetrate the realm, ferociously protected by her oppressors, and uses their tools to deconstruct the legend of the impenetrability of colonial power. The realization of her hybrid subjectivity allows a new relationship with the island. This land of exile becomes also associated with images of a nourishing and caring mother and, therefore, helps her establish her own genealogy and create her own myths. Finally, writing becomes crucial in the process of constructing female subjectivity. Language and narrative structure build the foundations for the development of a "poetics of relation" that privileges plurality and fragmentation.

Circulation and associated variability in the Intra-Americas Sea (IAS) are examined using observations and numerical models. Vertically integrated transport variations through the Yucatan Channel in the model are found to be related to the intrusion of the Loop Current into the Gulf of Mexico. We argue that the transport variations are part of a “compensation effect” by which transport variations through the Yucatan Channel are at least partly compensated by flow around Cuba. Numerical experiments show that the transport variations result from the interaction between the density anomalies associated with the Loop Current intrusion and the variable bottom topography. The compensation effect is found to be associated with baroclinic (2-layer) flow through the Yucatan Channel at timescales longer than a month, while at shorter timescales (less than a month) the vertical structure of the flow is barotropic. An index, that can be computed from satellite data, is proposed for measuring the impact of the Loop Current intrusion on the transport variability through the Yucatan Channel. This index is shown to be significantly correlated at low frequencies (cutoff 120 days) with the cable estimates of transport between Florida and the Bahamas. We argue that it is the geometric connectivity between the Yucatan Channel and the Straits of Florida between Florida and the Bahamas that accounts for the relationship. A three-dimensional, data-assimilative, ocean circulation model is developed in order to simulate circulation, hydrography and associated variability in the IAS from 1999 to 2002. The model performance is assessed by comparing model results with various observations made in the IAS during this period. Model results are used to study the role played by Caribbean eddies in the dynamics of monthly to seasonal (with timescales of 30-120 days) circulation variability in the IAS. It is shown that the variations in vertically integrated transport between Nicaragua and Jamaica are linked to the interaction of Caribbean eddies with the Nicaraguan Rise. The mechanism can be explained in terms of the form drag effect acting across the Nicaraguan Rise.

No description available.